Compliances

Compliances refer to the process by which an organization ensures that it follows all applicable laws, regulations, standards, and ethical practices relevant to its operations. This includes adhering to environmental laws, maintaining fair labor practices, and upholding strong governance and transparency standards. Effective compliance helps organizations reduce legal risks, build trust with stakeholders, and operate responsibly within society. It also supports long-term sustainability by aligning business activities with regulatory requirements and ethical expectations.

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11 Sep 2026

Ahmedabad, once seen as a pioneer in urban climate adaptation, has been ranked the least climate-resilient major city in the world in a new AlphaGeo study. The finding exposes a widening gap between the city’s climate-risk exposure and the effectiveness of its adaptation measures.  SummaryA new AlphaGeo study has placed Ahmedabad at the top of a global ranking of cities facing the highest residual climate risk, raising questions about whether existing adaptation measures are keeping pace with worsening hazards. The study assessed 72 major cities using its Climate Risk & Resilience Index, which considers both physical exposure to hazards and the level of protection provided by adaptation measures. Ahmedabad recorded a resilience-adjusted risk score of 41, largely driven by extreme heat, while several other South Asian cities also featured among the higher-risk locations. The ranking is particularly significant because Ahmedabad has long been presented as a climate-adaptation pioneer. Following the deadly 2010 heatwave, the city introduced South Asia’s first Heat Action Plan, with measures including heat alerts, public-health advisories, cooling interventions and reflective roofs. However, the AlphaGeo assessment suggests that such interventions have not been sufficient to close the city’s wider adaptation gap as climate threats intensify.  The study also highlights a broader South Asian problem, where cities face substantial exposure to heat, flooding and other hazards while adaptation investment remains comparatively limited. Hyderabad, Multan, Dhaka, Kolkata and Lahore were among the other cities with high resilience-adjusted risk scores. In contrast, Chicago recorded the lowest score among the cities studied, while Beijing, Tianjin and Shenzhen were highlighted for relatively strong adaptation efficiency.  For Ahmedabad, the challenge extends beyond heat. Rapid concrete development, limited tree cover in several neighbourhoods, heat-retaining surfaces, shrinking natural drainage channels and waterlogging during intense rainfall can increase residents’ exposure to climate extremes. The risks are also unevenly distributed, with poorer communities often having less access to shade, cooling and reliable infrastructure.  The study therefore raises a larger question about what climate resilience should actually mean for a city. A heat action plan or adaptation policy can provide an important framework, but resilience ultimately depends on whether those measures translate into safer neighbourhoods, functioning infrastructure and protection for people most exposed to climate hazards. For Ahmedabad, the ranking is a warning that climate leadership cannot be measured only by the existence of policies; it must also be judged by how effectively those policies reduce risk on the ground.  Original Writer & Courtesy Original writer: Rajiv Shah  Original article: “Ahmedabad world’s least climate resilient major city: AlphaGeo study”Courtesy: Counterview.net Counterview.net ...Read more

10 Sep 2026

  SummaryThe present is tumultuous with all kinds of disasters looming in and guess what, we are to blame mostly. In the actively changing and evolving Himalayas, claws of so called development seep in causing the Himalayas to bleed and the rivers changing their courses, changing their planform, often flooding and leaving millions homeless. Be it the charlands of West Bengal or the upstream stretches of Ganges in the Himalayas, anthropogenic activities in the form of river engineering, development of smart cities, river linking projects and what not, we are interrupting with the fluvial dynamics only to get doomed.  KeywordsAvulsion, fluvial dynamics, Anthropocene, equilibrium  Avulsion and shifts in river courses are characterized by scouring of riverbed and banks. These phenomena are common in case of Himalayan rivers and have been on the increase in the Anthropocene. Humans can completely alter a river system turning it into a controlled one by damming its course, by flow diversion, by dredging or clearing the channel, by straightening the channel pattern or by increasing its supply via an artificial channel. In order to control flooding and river bank erosion, channels are frequently modified. Modifications of channels often include channel widening, channel deepening, artificially cutting meanders and even channel straightening. This jeopardizes the hydrologic regime. Also, if channelization occurs, higher flows are often found downstream as the water rushes out of the channelized reach. High backwaters are resulted, resulting channel deposition lowering the channel capacity.   A direct change in the river system is caused when dams are constructed. The hydrologic regime is altered by flow regulation, decreasing peak flows and increasing low flow. As a result, sediment transport capacity is modified inducing erosion and deposition affecting channel morphology. Dams also cause deposition in and above the reservoirs which thereby lose their capacity to retain water. Spillway water from dams is devoid of sediment load and thus tends to erode the channel immediately downstream.  The case of Aswan dam can be cited as an example where scour erosion is noted in the lower reaches, with a lean sediment transport and downstream erosion as the flow is regulated. Increase in depth and decrease in width is also reported for other channels which have experienced dam construction.  Morphologic discourse of the Ganga valley leads to its classification into 7 segments (Singh and Singh, 1992). Variation in discharge, sediment load, ground slope, anthropogenic activities and tectonics result in variation in channel morphology (Valdiya, 2003). Geology, geomorphology, climate alongwith human influence modifies fluvial dynamics. The outer Himalayan belt consists of recently uplifted Siwalik of Miocene Pliestocene detritus filled sediments – coarse sandstones, clays and conglomerates. Except the Siwaliks, the concerned region is a portion of the Ganga megafan and this surface shows several north-south aligned drainage channels (Shukla et al., 2001). This region is deeply incised by the active Ganga River and other rivers. Active incision of channel over the megafan surface is evidenced by the prominent channel scarps.  Over the years, channel sedimentation with the formation of channel bars in Ganga and other rivers is observed. Decline in the number of bars accompanied with increase in size of the bars indicates rapid silt deposition. Sandbars are observed to change occasionally during floods. The shifting nature of Ganga channel is evidenced by the presence of an abandoned channel within the cross section situated below the Chandi bridge, located on the left bank of river Ganga at Nildhara area.  The Bhimgoda barrage is located on river Ganga at Har ki Pauri. It was built as the headworks of upper Ganges canal. The initial barrage was completed by 1854. Replaced twice, the barrage was completed in 1983. The primary purpose of the barrage was irrigation; it was also used to generate hydroelectricity and used for flood control. The barrage has a length of 454 m and a spillway capacity of 19,300 m3/s.  The local geomorphology of the Ganga River is significantly altered due to the construction of the Bhimgoda barrage as it results in huge diversion of water into the upper Ganga canal. This leads to excessive in channel sedimentation in both upstream and downstream courses interrupting the natural channel equilibrium. As a result, the flow velocity is reduced in the lean periods with the reduction in monsoonal rainfall. The braided floodplain dynamics also gets altered as a result.  The Bhimgoda barrage diverts the the river water into the upper Ganga canal for hydroelectric power generation. Studies indicate that water velocity of river Ganga is about 1-1.9 m/s in the Haridwar region after the Bhimgoda barrage (Kumar et al., 2023).  There have been drastic changes in water discharge, sediment concentration and calculated sediment load before and after the construction of the Bhimgoda barrage. The water discharge was uninterrupted with high velocities (reaching up to 1.5-2 m/s), with massive flushes during monsoon. Post construction, this discharge has become fractioned upto 300-400 cumecs are permanently diverted out of the river into the canal system. Sediment concentration was highly variable before the construction (varying from <50 mg/l in winter to >2000 mg/l in monsoons). Post construction sediment concentration has become high upstream of the gates, heavily diluted getting finer downstream due to sediment trapping. The calculated sediment load used to pass uniformly downstream scaling up to 8 million tonnes/day across the upper Ganga. Post construction this has been disrupted, massive trapping upstream now leads to a drastically lower calculated sediment load footprint in the downstream riverine stretch.  Braiding index according to Brice has been calculated for this stretch for the years 1916,1972,2005 and 2026. The braiding index in 1916 was 7.347, for 1972 it was 6.76, in 2005 it was 5.4779 and in 2026 it increased to 6.26.                                                                           Fig 1: Location of Bhimgoda barrage and change in braiding immediately upstream and downstream of the barrage (1916,1972,2005,2025)        Source: SurveyofIndia toposheets 53K/1 and Google Earth Imagery)  Photo 1: Braiding and bar formation in the vicinity of Bhimgoda barrage (Dutta, 2001)  Fig 1: Changes in braiding at Haridwar, with location of Bhimgoda barrage (1916,1972,2005,2025 – Source: Survey of India toposheets 53K/1 and Google Earth Imagery)  Increase in braiding index indicates that a river is shifting from a single channel into a more complicated network of multiple branching channels which rejoin each other and are separated by islands or sandbars. Often this indicates higher sediment loads, unstable banks and changing water flows. There is also more fluctuation of discharge. Factors like flatter slope leads to a velocity drop, initiating sediment deposition and weak riverbanks which can collapse easily widening the active channel belt. Increase in stream power can also cause increasing braids. Anthropic interference in the form of river engineering works thus often lead to modifications in fluvial dynamics interrupting the morphologic equilibrium of rivers.  References:  Dutta R.K. (2017): Controlling Factors of Channel Shifting and Avulsion in Haridwar District, Uttarakhand Geographical Review of India 79(2) June 2017, 153-167 Kumar D, Kumar A, Malik D.S., Sharma R and Gupta V (2023): Effect of Barrages and Anthropogenic Activities on Ecological Integrity of the Ganga River: A Review on  Current Issues and Restoration Efforts AgroEnvironmental Sustainability, 2023, 1(1), 67-75 https://doi.org/10.00000/s2023010109  Shukla, U. K., Singh, I. B., Sharma, M., & Sharma, S. (2001). A model of alluvial megafan sedimentation: Ganga Megafan. Sedimentary Geology, 14, 243–262. Singh, M., & Singh, I. B. (1992). The Ganga River Valley: Alluvial valley in an active foreland basin. In 29th International Geological Conference, Kyoto, 2 (p. 30). Japan. Valdiya K.S. (2003): Reactivation of Himalayan Frontal Fault, Current Science, 85(7), 2001 1031-1040. ABOUT AUTHOR  Dr Karabi Das, Masters in Geography from University of Calcutta, former Senior Research Fellow, UGC, PhD on Physical and Socioeconomic changes in the Indian Sundarban is presently working as Assistant Professor of Geography, Dr Kanailal Bhattacharyya College, Howrah.She has participated in many national and international seminars and has 12 papers and 10 book chapters to her credit.Her areas of interest include Fluvial Geomorphology, river in equilibrium and human environment relationship. ...Read more

09 Sep 2026

Pune’s ambitious riverfront project is facing questions over flood safety, shrinking river space, ecological damage, sewage treatment and climate resilience, with SANDRP warning that a project meant to rejuvenate the Mula-Mutha could instead increase the city’s vulnerability. SummaryPune’s River Front Development (RFD) project is being questioned by environmental researchers and urban-planning experts over its flood calculations, ecological impact and compliance with existing regulations. A technical presentation by architect and riverfront researcher Sarang Yadwadkar, discussed by SANDRP, examines the project’s Detailed Project Report, government correspondence, Water Resources Department guidelines and environmental-clearance conditions. The analysis raises five central questions: whether the flood values are accurate, whether the river’s cross-section will be maintained, whether the effect of river confluences has been considered, whether climate change has been factored into planning, and whether Indian standards for river embankments are being followed. Concerns also extend beyond flood risk to the loss of riparian vegetation, inadequate sewage treatment and the construction of structures within the riverbed. With the project already substantially advanced, the debate is increasingly about whether Pune is creating a safer riverfront or altering the river in ways that could worsen future flood and ecological risks.  KeywordsPune riverfront project, Mula-Mutha river, Pune flood risk, riverfront development India, Pune river ecology, flood safety, climate resilience, river conservation, riparian forests, sewage treatment Pune, urban river management, environmental impact, sustainable urban development, riverbed construction, Maharashtra environment, SANDRP analysis, environmental governance, floodplain protection Is Pune building a riverfront or increasing the river’s risks? Pune’s River Front Development project has been presented as an effort to transform and rejuvenate stretches of the Mula-Mutha river system. The project, designed by HCP Design, Planning and Management Pvt. Ltd., has also drawn comparisons with the Sabarmati Riverfront project in Ahmedabad. SANDRP notes that the two river systems have substantially different landscapes and hydrological conditions, raising questions about whether a similar model can safely be applied to Pune.  The technical analysis highlighted by SANDRP focuses particularly on the project's stated objective of reducing flood risk. It examines the seven upstream dams, the three major river confluences within Pune and the flood-discharge figures used in the project planning. 1. Are the flood values being used correctly? One of the most significant concerns relates to the flood values used to design the riverfront. According to the SANDRP analysis, the flood figures used in the RFD project differ substantially from figures provided by Maharashtra’s Water Resources Department. At the Mula-Mutha confluence, the RFD project reportedly uses a 100-year flood discharge of 4,760.89 cubic metres per second, while the WRD figure cited by SANDRP is 12,868.80 cubic metres per second.  The analysis argues that the project calculations do not adequately account for water released from all seven upstream dams as well as runoff from the free catchment area between the dams and Pune. Another concern is the confluence or backwater effect. When rivers meet, changes in flow and water levels can cause water to back up upstream. SANDRP says Maharashtra WRD guidelines require this effect to be considered when flood lines are determined. The analysis therefore concludes that the flood values used in the project may be significantly underestimated. 2. Will the river’s natural cross-section be maintained? The second question concerns the amount of space being left for the river itself. SANDRP's analysis points to project documents indicating changes to the river's cross-section as a result of the proposed riverfront structures and land works. It argues that reducing the available river section can have consequences during extreme flows, particularly when the city is already facing intense rainfall events. The analysis also refers to correspondence between the Pune Municipal Corporation and the Water Resources Department concerning changes to the river's cross-section. According to the presentation, these changes raise questions about whether the project complies with conditions attached to its environmental clearance and WRD guidelines.  3. Has the confluence effect been considered? The Mula-Mutha system is not simply one uninterrupted river channel. Multiple rivers meet within Pune, making the behaviour of water during extreme rainfall more complicated. SANDRP's analysis argues that the project’s flood modelling does not adequately account for these confluence effects. This matters because water moving through a river can slow or back up when it encounters another high-flow channel. During a cloudburst or major rainfall event, simultaneous releases from upstream dams could send large quantities of water towards the city within a relatively short period. The analysis therefore questions whether the project's flood calculations accurately represent what could happen during an extreme event.  4. Where is climate change in the planning? Climate change is another major concern raised by the analysis. A Maharashtra government climate assessment prepared by TERI in 2014 projected changes in rainfall patterns, including increased rainfall intensity alongside changes in the number of rainy days. SANDRP argues that such climate projections do not appear to have been adequately incorporated into the RFD's planning and flood assessment.  This becomes particularly important as Pune experiences increasingly intense rainfall events. Infrastructure designed around historical rainfall patterns may face higher risks if future rainfall becomes more extreme. For a project costing thousands of crores, the analysis argues, climate resilience should be a central part of the design rather than an afterthought. 5. Are Indian standards for river embankments being followed? The fifth question concerns the location and design of embankments. Indian standards for river embankments recommend aligning such structures with the natural banks of rivers. SANDRP's analysis argues that parts of the Pune project instead place embankments further into the riverbed. The presentation also highlights construction and debris dumping within the river area, including a road reportedly being built within the floodline. According to the analysis, information obtained through RTI indicated that the riverbed road did not have the necessary WRD clearance or studies from relevant technical agencies.  Flooding has already raised concerns The debate is not entirely theoretical. The SANDRP analysis refers to an August 2025 event when a flood level reportedly exceeded the threshold at which the riverfront was expected to remain safe. The presentation states that a discharge of 71,408 cubic feet per second resulted in flooding/submergence of parts of the riverfront, despite the project's stated threshold being considerably higher.  The analysis argues that additional construction within flood-prone areas could further restrict the river's natural capacity and potentially increase flood levels and their horizontal spread. The ecological cost Flood safety is only one side of the debate. SANDRP and environmental experts also raise concerns about the destruction of riparian forests and riverine habitats. These areas support native trees, natural vegetation, birds, aquatic organisms and the wider ecological connection between land and water.  The Pune Municipal Corporation has proposed planting around 45,000 trees, but environmentalists argue that plantations cannot simply replace naturally evolved riparian ecosystems. Jeevitnadi Foundation's Shailaja Deshpande, quoted by Counterview, argues that natural riparian species and ecosystems perform functions that conventional plantations cannot replicate, including supporting aquatic life and maintaining interconnected food chains.  A riverfront cannot be separated from sewage management Another contradiction highlighted in the Counterview report is the gap between the promise of a cleaner river and Pune's sewage-treatment capacity. The city reportedly generates around 1,634 MLD of sewage. Even after the JICA-supported sewage treatment programme is completed, Counterview reports that an estimated 629 MLD of untreated sewage could continue entering the rivers.  This raises a fundamental question: can a river be genuinely rejuvenated through landscaping and embankment construction if untreated sewage continues to enter the system? Environmentalists cited in the report have also questioned whether existing sewage-treatment plants are consistently meeting CPCB standards.  The Sabarmati comparison Ahmedabad's Sabarmati Riverfront has often been presented as an inspiration for Pune's project. But the comparison has also become controversial. Counterview notes that portions of the Sabarmati Riverfront were submerged during the monsoon, adding to questions about the suitability of replicating the model elsewhere. The SANDRP analysis argues that Pune's river basin has its own hydrological characteristics and should not simply be treated as another version of the Sabarmati.  Legal and procedural questions The project has also faced environmental and legal challenges. Counterview reports that the National Green Tribunal had previously directed the Pune Municipal Corporation to amend aspects of its environmental clearance and had halted tree-felling activity. An amended clearance issued in 2024 was subsequently challenged as well.  SANDRP's analysis further points to differences between the project's Detailed Project Report and Environment Impact Assessment, including differing descriptions of proposed changes to the riverbed.  What happens next? The project has already reached an advanced stage, with Counterview reporting that around 80% of the priority stretch has been completed and the estimated project cost at approximately ₹4,727 crore. The concern raised by SANDRP is therefore not simply whether Pune should have a riverfront. It is whether the remaining work can be reassessed against actual flood behaviour, ecological conditions, climate projections and regulatory requirements. The larger issue is whether urban river development should prioritise concrete embankments, roads and beautification, or whether the river's natural floodplain, riparian ecosystem and capacity to absorb extreme flows should remain central to planning. The SANDRP analysis ultimately calls for closer scrutiny of the project's flood calculations, environmental impacts and compliance with existing standards before further interventions alter the river irreversibly. SOURCES AND ABOUT AUTHOR Original analysis/presentation: Sarang Yadwadkar, Architect and member of the Planning Committee of the Development Plan of Pune City. Context and explanatory text: Tara Tanmayi S., SANDRP. (SANDRP) Courtesy: Counterview.net — “Riverfront or river death? SANDRP warns of ecosystem collapse.” Counterview.net article ...Read more

09 Sep 2026

SummaryIn an era when the world is perturbed with ecological flow of rivers and river health, man made lakes and natural rivers of Hyderabad are in deep crisis, gasping for breath. In the Anthropocene, maintaining health of the waterbodies seems to be a gruesome challenge. The article hereby takes up all these issues hoping for a better future.  KeywordsEnvironmental flow, health of river, Hyderabad, manmade lakes  Rivers and lakes of Hyderabad are facing severe ecological decline. The major lakes and rivers of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are now considered as poorly rated water quality basins and water flows. Highly polluted untreated sewage, millions of litres of waste are directly meeting the river stretch and urban lakes. Besides, unchecked chemical discharge from nearby manufacturing and industrial centres, dumping of construction debris, plastic waste, and uncontrolled encroachment have led to the degeneration of the river and water bodies of Hyderabad and Secunderabad.  The impact of the degeneration:  Oxygen depletion ------ very low DO, dissolved oxygen even drops down to 0.3mg/l as it is in Durgam Cheruvu ------------ Biologically dead water ------ considered lowest grade 'E quality ' as in Asanikunta and Sunam Cherevu ---- unfit for any public use or ecological use ------------ stagnant water --------- infamous breeding grounds of disease carrying mosquitoes.  Historical Musi River:  Once dynamic and wider, River Musi, a tributary of river Krishna, flows right past the Southern edge of Osmania General Hospital. The river Musi in Hyderabad is heavily polluted with millions of litres of daily untreated domestic sewage, toxic industrial and pharmaceutical waste. Besides urban encroachment and loss of wetlands due to urban expansion have led to the shrinkage of natural water flow and natural vegetation cover.  As per archaeological evidences the oldest settlement on the Musi River bank date back to the 5th century, when Vishnu Kundinis built their capital to the south bank of the river at Indrapalanagar. But the power centres on the Musi River moved westwards to the interior parts of Telengana. The famous Golconda fort is on the north bank of the river.  Musi, popularly known Machukunda, is a major tributary of the Krishna River in Telangana, India. It is flowing through the heart of the Hyderabad city separating old city from the modern urban settlement. It originates from the hill Avantagiri and flows about 250 km before merging with the Krishna River at Vedapalli. Musi is formed by the convergence of two small rivers, the Esi and the Musa. In the late 16th century, Muhammad Quil Qutb Shah found Hyderabad on the banks of Musi River for the expansion of settlement beyond the crowded Golconda fort. A bridge named Purana Pul (old bridge) was constructed in the late 16th century to connect the capital of Golconda.  Even in the 19th century, Musi was a wide, dynamic and ecologically vibrant river. The banks and the ghats of the river Musi experienced many cultural activities of the settlements along the river. The river was then associated with green spaces, temples, washing ghats and grand palaces belonging to the Nizams. People of the nearby settlements used daily for fishing, farming, rituals and drinking water needs.  Bathukamme:  It is a vibrant nine -day floral festival celebrated by the women in Telengana to honour Goddess Gauri and worship nature. Women gather in circles around floral arrangement clapping rhythmically and singing traditional folk songs. Then the Bathukamma, the floral arrangements looking like a conical hill of flowers are floated in water of river Musi. The festival marks praising womanhood, life and nature.  Muharram:  The river Musi served as the traditional culminating point for processions with ceremonial alams. These are brought to the waterfront, sometimes alams are immersed in the river. An alam is crescent - and - star shaped decorative metal ornaments capping a mosque’s dome or minaret. Shia Muslims carry the alams, which represent justice, sacrifice, and the eternal victory of truth over tyranny.  Livelihoods:  Generation after generation washer folks (Dhobis) utilised traditional ghats of the river Musi for community trade and daily urban life. Fig 1: Two stretches of Musi River, 1975 (Source: Survey of India Toposheet no 56K/7, 56K/11)  Fig 2: Musi River, 2026 (Source: Google Earth Image)    Photo 1: Musi river in 2026 (Photo credit: author)  What is the present scenario?  1.  Now the river is reduced to a mostly dry or sluggish water flow within the city. The flow of the river Musi is now being controlled by building two reservoirs named Osman Sagar and Himayat Sagar. The reservoirs were designed for drinking water and flood control.  2. The downstream section of the river has deteriorated from a historic water lifeline to ecologically dead water flow. About 1,00,000 residents across at least 30 downstream villages are highly affected by the polluted stretch of the river.  3.Recent environmental studies indicate that the Musi is one of the most pharmaceutical contaminated rivers. Massive volumes of dumped pain killers, antibiotics and cardiac medicine have created a major global hotspot for drug - resistant bacteria. This has caused loss of efficacy of common medical treatments for the locals.  4. Downstream communities are experiencing severe chronic illness, high rate of kidney disease, skin allergies, stomach infections and various types of cancers, food chain contamination.  5. Over 1.5 lakh acres of agricultural land use this toxic water for the production of crops like cotton, vegetables and paddy. Heavy metals like lead, nickel and chromium are abundantly present in soil, crops, vegetables and local fish. Toxic substances are returning to the plates of Hyderabad residents.  6. Shallow borewells and open wells in the villages along the Musi River are drawing highly saline and contaminated water unfit for consumption as toxic substances reach the local ground water table.  What are the measures taken by the Telengana Government?  The Government of Telengana established Musi River Rejuvenation Project, MRRP. The State Cabinet formally approved 7,345 crore rupees for the execution of core phase 1.  1.Phase 1 execution plan includes on ground cleaning and restoration across a 21 km priority corridor stretching from the Osman Sagar and Himayat Sagar catchment down to Bapu ghat.  2. Sewage Treatment Plants, STP’s, are installed across Hyderabad suburbs. Daily 1,500 million litres of waste water are treated in the plants.  3. Social Rehabilitation: The Government approved allotment of 15,000 double bed room along with financial compensation for legally titled property owners.  4. Urban land and buffer zoning: Boundary along the riverbeds is enforced to clear illegal dump yards and to stop further encroachment of the areas adjacent to riverbed.  Community participation and citizens’ movement:  1. Musi Jan Andolan, MJA, an independent non - political platform-initiated movement to safeguard the Musi River and protect the thousands of families living along the river.  MJA highlights that over 36% of the total project budget is allocated for concrete heavy infrastructure, multi lane roads, bridges, toe walls and retaining walls.  MJA demands tree plantation all along the stretch of the riverbank. The organisation warns that replacing natural river banks with the concrete creates urban heat island effect. Again, it will destroy native vegetation and prevent natural ground water recharge.  2. Community participation in cleaning the river is urgently necessary. The residents of the Hyderabad and Secunderabad should be aware of the result of the death of a once wide and dynamic river like Musi.  The residents should play active role against the dumping of the toxic substances along the riverbank. The pharmaceutical waste must be collected from the hospitals regularly by the concerned authority and the community participation is needed to monitor the matter.  Contaminated and untreated waste water from the houses of the municipal wards should be treated in the treatment plants before mixing with the river water.  Traditional festivals along the river Musi must be restored so that the people can play active role in protecting the river from drying.  RK Puram lake:  The Ramkrishna Puram Lake (RK Puram Lake), originally Mukidigan Cherevu, was constructed by the Nizam in 1798. It was once a massive 100 -acre water reservoir to support the growing Secunderabad cantonment area. The lake was clean up to 1960 and the lake served as a major drinking water source for nearby villages and colonies. It was famous nesting place of migratory birds. Now the lake area came down from 100 acres to only 40 acres. After 1960 following the establishment of public sector unit and housing society the lake became the site of domestic sewage and garbage.  Ramkrishna Puram lake in Hyderabad faces severe degeneration due to unchecked sewage inflows, garbage dumping and uncontrolled encroachment. Once the lake was a highly attractive and beautiful destination, now the urban settlements around the lake experience urban flooding during heavy rain almost every year. Once it was an important reservoir of flood waters.  Causes of degeneration:  1. Untreated domestic waste water are supplied to the lake for years. This had blocked the storm water channels.  2. Rapid urbanization around the lake, primarily due to the availability of water, had caused shrinkage of the lake bed areas.  3. Low lying residential colonies get regularly under water during monsoon. Again, during lean period heavy algae growth foster ideal breeding grounds for disease carrying mosquitoes.  4. Rapid urbanization around the lake and subsequent withdrawal of groundwater in huge amount made the situation worse. Groundwater depletion in and around the lake RK Puram is related to the expansion of urban settlements. Again, natural percolation of surface water during monsoon is being hindered due concrete surface area expansion.    Fig 3: RK Puram lake in 1978 and in 2026 (Source: Survey of India toposheet and Google Earth Image)  Photo 2: RK Puram lake in 2026 (Photo credit: author)  Initiatives to be taken:  1. Illegal constructions around the lake area should be stopped.  2. The lake must not be the natural dumping ground of the urban waste material  3. Regular monitoring of the change in areas of the water surface of the lake.  4. Change detection with the help of satellite images should be done time to time.  5. Seasonal water depth variations should be observed and the data must be restored for restoration of the lake.  6. Auditing inflow points and mapping all storm water drains ensuring rainwater inflow into the lake.  7. Construction debris and sediments should not be allowed to inflow with the rainwater during monsoon.  8. Stopping plastic and trash dumping which is reducing the water holding capacity of the lake.  9. To check the bank failures along the circular pathway for the walkers. Local people are of the opinion that the lake is also experiencing climate change impacts, mainly changing rainfall pattern of the region. In recent past the region experienced enough rainfall during monsoon. K. Shridhar, a local resident with his friends told that in their teens, before thirty years, they enjoyed swimming in the lake. This year also the region has experienced below normal rainfall.  Hossain Sagar:  Even the large Hossain Sagar in Hyderabad (spanning about 5.7sq km) is currently dealing with environmental challenges including high pollution, heavy algal bloom and foul odours. The Hossain Sagar Lake in Hyderabad was built in 1562 AD across the river Musi during the Qutb Shahi dynasty to meet the drinking water needs of the growing settlement outside Golconda fort. The lake was the primary drinking water source for Hyderabad as the lake physically separates the core of Hyderabad from Secunderabad.  It is now an important tourist destination of Telengana with its beautiful necklace roads and the statue of Lord Buddha on the Gibraltar Rock in the middle of the lake.  Fig 4: Hussain Sagar in 1975 and 2026 (Source: Survey of India toposheet and Google Earth Image)  Photo 3: Hussain Sagar in 2026 (Photo credit: author)  Major initiatives taken:  1.Multiple STPs are set up around the lake to check the mixing of untreated sewage inflows.  2.To check the mixing of dry weather sewage from feeder drains like Banjara nala, Picket nala and Balkapur nala diversion structures are constructed.  3. Constant removal activity of floating solid waste.  4. Hossain Sagar Lake and catchment Area Improvement Project was launched in 2006 to upgrade sewerage infrastructure and manage nutrients- rich sediments.  But the result of the initiatives is not satisfactory:  The STPs and interception and diversions systems are not capable to tackle the problem in eradicating the pollution of the lake.  National Green Tribunal, NGT, indicated that nearly 376. 5 million litres per day of waste is still entering the lake.  Balanagar industrial area is still supplying highly toxic chemicals through the Kukatpally nala.  Reports from CAG and the Pollution control Board stated that the lakes Dissolved oxygen, DO, level dropped down below 3 mg/l, while The Central Pollution Control Board recommends 6 mg/ l for a healthy water body.  Citizens Role:  1. Stop single use plastic  2. Segregate waste properly.  3. Traditional Plaster of Paris idols should be discarded, Eco-friendly clay idols for Ganesh chaturthi and Durga should be made, immersion of the idols should be stopped directly in Hossain Sagar, may be immersed in baby ponds.  4. Communities living along the Kukatpally nala should check the mixing of untreated waste by installing simple wire -mesh trash traps at the community drains.  5. Community participation will include vigilance and reporting and giving support by making local lake warrior groups.ABOUT AUTHOR Dr Kanailal DasMasters in Geography from University of Calcutta, former senior research fellow, CSIR, PhD on Vulnerability of Gosaba, Basanti, Sundarban from Vidyasagar University.He has participated in many national and international seminars and has papers and book chapters to his credit.     ...Read more

09 Sep 2026

India’s rural schools are not empty because families have stopped valuing education. They are losing relevance because the system has struggled to deliver learning, capable teachers, functional infrastructure and pathways to a changing world. As India looks towards 2030, rebuilding the rural government school must become a priority—not simply by adding infrastructure, but by restoring capability, dignity and trust. SummaryIndia’s rural government schools face a deeper crisis than declining enrolment: many are struggling to deliver foundational learning, adequate infrastructure, teacher availability and meaningful pathways for children. Despite near-universal enrolment among rural children, learning outcomes remain uneven, while teacher vacancies, single-teacher schools and infrastructure gaps continue to weaken the public-school experience. The challenge is not simply whether schools should remain open, but whether they can become relevant to the aspirations and realities of rural families. The article examines policy efforts under NEP 2020, NIPUN Bharat and the 2030 education agenda, alongside examples of communities and states rebuilding public-school capacity. It argues for stronger teachers, mastery-based learning, digital and AI literacy, nutrition, functional infrastructure, local skills and transparent community participation. By 2030, the real measure of success should be the capabilities and opportunities a rural school gives every child—not merely the number of schools or students on paper. KeywordsRural Education, Rural Schools, Government Schools, Education Reform, Rural India, NEP 2020, Foundational Learning, School Education, Teacher Shortage, Education 2030, Public Education, Education Equity, Digital Literacy, Community Participation, School Infrastructure Why rural India's government schools are losing relevance - and how to rebuild them by 2030 NEP 2020 promises children who can read, reason, create, code and choose a livelihood. In too many villages, the State still struggles to provide the teacher, toilet, meal and lesson needed to get there. The rural school is not redundant. Its delivery model is. The central question in rural Indian education is no longer whether children are enrolled. It is whether the school gives them enough power to read with understanding, handle numbers, communicate across languages, use digital tools safely, question an automated answer and imagine work beyond inherited occupations. Across large parts of the country, government schools remain present in official registers but absent from the future children are being prepared to enter.This is not a claim that every public school is failing, or that private schools are automatically better. Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Tamil Nadu and many individual schools elsewhere show that public education can be rigorous, humane and trusted. Nor is a merger always wrong: a school with five children, one exhausted teacher and no laboratory may need a stronger nearby hub. The harder point is that the average rural public-school design has drifted away from both family aspirations and India's own stated education policy. A school may become empty because families lost faith, and families may lose faith because the school became empty. That is a policy loop, not a verdict on the child.  Access has widened. Learning has not caught up. India has made a significant access achievement. ASER 2024 found that 98.1 per cent of rural children aged 6-14 were enrolled. Families have not rejected education; they have brought children to the school gate. The crisis begins after the gate. In 2024, only 23.4 per cent of Grade III children in government schools could read a Grade II-level text. By Grade V, the figure was 44.8 per cent in government schools, compared with 59.3 per cent in private schools. Only 27.6 per cent of Grade III government-school children could do a subtraction problem; just 30.7 per cent of all Grade V children could solve basic division, rising to 45.8 per cent in Grade VIII.The adolescent picture is more damaging. ASER's 2023 Beyond Basics survey of rural youth aged 14-18 found that only 43.3 per cent could correctly solve a three-digit-by-one-digit division problem. About one in four could not fluently read a Grade II-level text in the regional language. Only 57.3 per cent could read simple English sentences and, among those, 73.5 per cent could explain their meaning. Digital access is also being mistaken for digital capability: 82.2 per cent of 14-16-year-olds knew how to use a smartphone, but only 57 per cent had used one for education in the previous week, while 76 per cent had used one for social media. A young person may navigate a video feed and still be unable to verify a source, fill an online form, protect a password, read a spreadsheet or question an AI answer.The Karnataka evidence cited in the accompanying Counterview report is a warning even in a state associated with technology. Across a 30-district study, 32.7 per cent of Grade I children could not recognise letters, 39.8 per cent could not read words and only about 34 per cent of Grade V children could read at Grade II level. The report also points to roughly 43,000 teacher vacancies and more than 6,150 single-teacher schools. The problem is therefore not only the number of posts. A teacher who has not been prepared for early reading, level-based instruction, practical mathematics, multilingual pedagogy, digital safety or AI ethics cannot acquire those capacities merely because a new online module has been uploaded.  NEP 2020 is written in the future tense. The National Education Policy 2020 imagines a 5+3+3+4 structure, foundational literacy and numeracy, early learning in the home or local language, less rote learning, competency-based assessment, subject flexibility, arts and physical education, vocational exposure from the middle grades, digital learning, inclusion, school complexes and stronger teachers. It expects a learner who can think, communicate, collaborate, solve problems and continue learning. NIPUN Bharat turned the foundational promise into a national mission, with Grade III as the target for basic reading, writing and numeracy. That 2025 deadline has passed, while the learning gap remains.The distance between policy and classroom is not a philosophical disagreement. It is a supply-chain failure. NEP needs time, subject teachers, school leadership, libraries, laboratories, transport, technology, health support and a professional culture that protects teaching. Rural schools too often receive the curriculum as a PDF and reform as a compliance form. They are asked to teach English, mathematics, digital skills and now AI literacy without the staff, equipment and training needed to do so. NEP also refuses the old academic-vocational hierarchy: a rural child should be able to learn algebra and understand a water pump, English and food processing, science and the local craft economy. Too many schools currently provide neither strong foundations nor credible practical pathways.  NITI Aayog's mirror: a chain of small failures. NITI Aayog's May 2026 report, School Education System in India: Temporal Analysis and Policy Roadmap for Quality Enhancement, draws on UDISE+ data from 2014-15 to 2024-25, PARAKH 2024, National Achievement Survey evidence and ASER 2024. Its central value is that it does not reduce the crisis to one statistic. India now has about 14.71 lakh schools serving more than 24.69 crore students, and primary access is close to universal, but higher-secondary gross enrolment is only 58.4 per cent. Government schools' share of enrolment fell from 54.3 per cent to 49.25 per cent over the decade, while private unaided schools rose from 31.7 per cent to 38.8 per cent. The shift reflects demography, migration, consolidation, data cleaning and family choice, but it also signals a weakening public contract.More than one-third of schools have fewer than 50 students. NITI records 1,04,125 single-teacher schools serving 33,76,769 pupils. A national pupil-teacher ratio can therefore look comfortable while a remote teacher is handling several grades, records, meals and surveys. Secondary dropout stood at 11.5 per cent in 2024-25, driven by cost, distance, migration, early work, early marriage, weak foundations and the belief that more schooling will not change a family's income.Infrastructure has improved, but administrative availability is not daily functionality. Functional girls' toilets rose from 85.17 per cent in 2014-15 to a reported 94 per cent in 2024-25, yet 98,592 schools still lacked one; 61,540 had no usable toilet, 14,505 lacked functional drinking water and 59,829 lacked handwashing facilities. Electricity reached 91.9 per cent, but 1.19 lakh schools still lacked functional electricity. Computers were reported in 64.7 per cent of schools, internet in 63.5 per cent and smart classrooms in only 30.6 per cent. PARAKH 2024 showed a national Grade IX pattern of 54 per cent in language, 37 per cent in mathematics, 40 per cent in science and 40 per cent in social science. Inclusion is equally uneven: ramps were reported in 79.1 per cent of schools, while only 33.4 per cent had functional toilets for children with special needs.NITI's diagnosis forms a chain: fragmented schools make staffing difficult; weak staffing produces weak learning; weak learning pushes families towards private options or out of school; falling enrolment then justifies further consolidation. Its answer is connected school complexes, functional infrastructure, shared teachers and facilities, mastery-based pedagogy, welfare support, portable records for migrant children, local accountability, relevant vocational pathways and technology that serves judgement. Each recommendation needs an owner, deadline, public dashboard and consequence when the water, teacher or lesson does not arrive.  Ninety-four thousand doors and the danger of a spreadsheet solution. Between 2014-15 and 2024-25, the UDISE series shows government schools falling from 11.07 lakh to 10.13 lakh. Total school enrolment fell from 26.95 crore to 24.69 crore, while private schools rose broadly from 2.88 lakh to 3.39 lakh. The arithmetic is real, but the headline '94,000 schools closed' does not explain how many were merged, reclassified, cleaned from inactive records or genuinely shut. India has a falling fertility rate, migration and urbanisation. A smaller school-age population will eventually change the network. Yet demography cannot explain away the loss of trust if government schools were consistently useful, safe and aspirational.A well-funded composite school can offer subject teachers, a library, laboratory, sports, counselling and skills that a tiny single-teacher school cannot. But 'within five to ten kilometres' is not a neutral phrase in a mountain village, floodplain, forest or tribal settlement. It means a road, river, monsoon, unsafe stretch, missing bus and a parent who cannot leave work to escort a child. Girls and children with disabilities pay the highest price. Every merger must therefore be tested against travel time, safety, seasonal access, transport cost, attendance, learning and equity. Consolidation should be a service upgrade, never a budget cut or abandonment disguised as rationalisation.  Why families are voting with their feet. Parents do not need a national report to know that a child is behind. They see a paragraph copied without understanding, change counted incorrectly at a market stall, a teacher managing several grades and election duty, and a private school promising English, tests, uniforms, transport and a future. Even when a private school is not objectively stronger, it signals seriousness. The falling government share is not simply a story of affluent families leaving; it is the aspiration of small farmers, construction workers, migrants and landless labourers for children who can read a bank message, compare prices, understand a loan, use a government portal, speak to a customer, migrate safely or build a local enterprise.Quality must therefore mean visible powers: reading a medicine label, calculating a wage, writing an application, understanding a map, identifying a scam, repairing something, growing or selling something and finding the next course. The answer is not a coaching centre or an artificial English accent. It is strong foundations linked to real use: local-language learning, English as a bridge, mathematics through markets and farms, science through water and soil, digital skills through public services and livelihoods, and clear pathways to higher study, apprenticeships and enterprise. Trust returns through repeated visible acts - a clean toilet, a present teacher, a reliable meal, a child who reads better this month, and a parent who can see what the school received and spent.  When the camera enters the school. In August 2026, the youth movement known as the Cockroach Janata Party, or CJP, launched School Thik Karo - Fix the Schools. Its volunteers entered government schools, recorded conditions and published what they saw. The checklist was basic: drinking water and functional toilets; electricity and usable classrooms; boundary walls and campus safety; midday meals and teacher attendance. The visual force of the campaign mattered because a dashboard can say 'infrastructure available' while a phone video shows a broken roof, a clogged toilet, missing windows, children without benches or a class in a borrowed shed. Reports placed such exposures across Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Karnataka, Rajasthan and West Bengal. In Rajasthan, a school in Rampura Kanwarpura was reported to be functioning in a buffalo shed; later reports said the unsafe structure was demolished and a new building of about Rs 18 lakh announced.The campaign also showed how quickly school scrutiny becomes political conflict. In Bankura, West Bengal, CJP volunteer Abdul Hafeez reportedly suffered an attack along with his father, who died two days later from injuries, according to an Al Jazeera account; competing claims about political responsibility remain subject to due process. In Latur, Maharashtra, an FIR was reported against organiser Abhijeet Dipke and others after a teacher alleged unauthorised entry, filming, questioning of students and threats; CJP disputed the account. A Rajasthan team also reported an attack, while a Hingoli headmaster was reportedly suspended after complaints of intoxication and neglect. These allegations require investigation, not headline conviction.Government responses included reported restrictions in Rajasthan on outsider visits, photography, videography and interviews. Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis dismissed the campaign as a political programme and said most Zilla Parishad schools were good. CJP exposures are not a representative sample, cannot measure learning and cannot replace trained inspections or social audits. But they reveal an accountability weakness. The answer is neither mob inspection nor official secrecy: it is lawful citizen access, child protection, independent audits, transparent school-level records and consequences for failure. Most teachers work under difficult conditions and should not be collectively demonised. Yet a public school must not function as a head teacher's fiefdom.  Money is moving. Trust is not. The Union's 2026-27 budget places total Ministry of Education outlay at about Rs 1,39,289 crore, including roughly Rs 83,562 crore for school education. It lists Rs 42,100 crore for Samagra Shiksha, Rs 12,749.99 crore for PM POSHAN, Rs 7,500 crore for PM SHRI and Rs 3,200 crore for Atal Tinkering Labs. Rajasthan has budgeted Rs 550 crore to repair more than 2,500 schools, Rs 1,000 crore for 400 CM-RISE schools, AI learning labs in 1,000 schools and a School on Wheels in each district, alongside a reported larger infrastructure plan. West Bengal cleared an ADB-backed project of about Rs 2,349.78 crore for roughly 430-432 schools, including classrooms, laboratories, libraries, ramps, toilets, kitchens and teacher development.The scale is welcome, but a model school in a project boundary does not repair every small primary school outside it. NITI notes that public education spending has remained around four per cent of GDP in recent years and records 4.6 per cent in 2021, below the six per cent aspiration associated with the Kothari Commission and NEP 2020. The issue is not only to spend more. It is to weight money towards remoteness, poverty, tribal and migrant populations and disability; release it predictably; ring-fence maintenance; publish its use; and protect teachers from non-teaching work. The real budget test is not a sanctioned amount but a functional service in the village.  The exceptions expose the rule. Kotlapur in Karnataka shows that the public system can revive. Its government school had effectively shut down in 2008 as parents moved children to a nearby private school. When headmaster Dr Vijaya Kumar arrived in 2025, he painted walls, built a Kannada language laboratory and small library, went door-to-door, explained entitlements and rebuilt the school's social presence. The village contributed about Rs 65,000 for CCTV. A fixed deposit of Rs 1,000 a year was created for each Grade I child, to mature after 18 years. Uniforms, books, shoes, socks and eggs made the promise visible. By 2025-26, reported enrolment had reached 42 with four teachers, supported by a School Management Committee.Kotlapur proves both possibility and indictment. Leadership, parent partnership and a visibly better school can restore trust; it is unacceptable that ordinary functionality should depend on a heroic headmaster, donations and personal ingenuity. Kerala's public investment and foundational culture, Tamil Nadu's mother-tongue and welfare emphasis, Himachal Pradesh's access in difficult terrain, Punjab's recent learning gains and community-linked models in Nagaland offer mechanisms worth adapting. The aim is not to copy a state wholesale but to identify what worked and fund it until it becomes routine.The rural school should connect the village to itself and the world. District skill maps can link schools with ITIs, Krishi Vigyan Kendras, self-help groups, cooperatives and practitioners in agriculture, food processing, repair, craft, energy, health, climate, logistics, bookkeeping and digital services. A paid practitioner may mentor a 30-60-hour module, but the teacher must convert experience into language, mathematics, science, design and reflection. Measuring a field, calculating yield, writing an invoice, checking an online payment or verifying an AI answer makes English, mathematics, science, civics and AI literacy useful. Vocational learning must not become caste or class tracking; every module needs bridges to higher study, ITI, polytechnic, apprenticeship, university and enterprise. Five international reminders, not five imports.  China shows the strength and risk of consolidation: better-resourced rural centres, shared expertise, digital links and a nutrition programme reported to benefit more than 37 million students. India can borrow the network logic only with transport, boarding and family contact. South Africa funds poorer schools more through its quintile model and combines no-fee access with nutrition committees. Brazil links social protection to education, redistributes funding through Fundeb and directs at least 30 per cent of federal school-feeding resources to family farming - a cue for deeper local procurement under PM POSHAN.Indonesia's school operational assistance model shows the value of predictable, flexible funds for broken taps, learning materials and connectivity, paired with public ledgers and audits. Finland combines serious teacher preparation with free materials, a daily meal, welfare services and transport when the journey is long or dangerous. India cannot transplant these systems, but it can borrow their principles: weighted equity, local flexibility with transparency, respected teachers, early intervention and the removal of food, health, transport and safety barriers. Ten non-negotiables for a different rural school by 2030.  Functional school guarantee. Every government school should have safe classrooms, drinking water, separate usable toilets, handwashing, electricity, a kitchen, basic furniture, accessibility, a library corner, play space and a maintenance calendar. Dashboards must report monthly functionality, not one-time availability.Rural teacher guarantee. Where there are multiple grades, provide at least two trained primary teachers and named access through a school complex to mathematics, science, English, languages, arts, physical education and vocational learning. Fill vacancies, offer hardship incentives and protect instructional time.Mastery before promotion. Test reading, writing and numeracy at the start of every year, group support by learning level, provide stigma-free catch-up and continue foundational support after Grade III. Assessment must change teaching, not punish children.English and mathematics for use. Build bilingual English around markets, health, work, migration, public services and digital communication. Teach mathematics through money, measurement, time, data, estimation, geometry and reasoning before abstract procedures become meaningless.Human-centred digital and AI literacy. Put power, connectivity, shared devices, offline content and teacher preparation before smart-classroom branding. Teach source checking, privacy, cyber safety, bias, copyright and verification. Children must use tools without surrendering judgement.Consolidate resources without abandoning habitations. Approve mergers only after testing travel, safety, monsoon access, disability access, girls' safety, cost, attendance and learning. Provide buses, bicycles, escorts or hostels when a child must travel.A local multiple-skills curriculum. Offer 30-60-hour modules in agriculture, water, food, repair, craft, energy, health, digital services, climate and enterprise. Pay and train practitioners, award portable credits and keep every academic route open.Nutrition, health and dignity. Strengthen PM POSHAN kitchens, local procurement, menus and social audits. Link schools to health screening, menstrual hygiene, counselling, disability support, physical education and mental-health referral. Track meals served, not meals sanctioned.Open governance and safe scrutiny. Train School Management Committees, give them usable budgets and publish staffing, attendance, facilities, meals, grants, repairs and learning progress without exposing children. Provide lawful observation and protected complaint channels.Weighted finance, leadership and proof. Fund remote, poor, tribal, migrant and disability-heavy schools more per child; release maintenance money predictably; train head teachers as instructional leaders; and publish a rural scorecard based on what children can do, not only what schools possess.  The 2030 test is brutally simple. By 2030, India should answer a child's question without hiding behind enrolment. Can she read a new text and explain it? Can he divide, estimate, measure and reason? Can they use English and a device to learn without losing the strength of their home language? Can they ask whether an AI answer is true, fair and safe? Can they learn a local skill without being sentenced to a caste or occupation? Can they stay through adolescence because transport, food, toilets, health and hope are present?A private tuition market can sell English, a phone can deliver a video and a skill centre can teach a machine. Only a strong public school can combine knowledge, citizenship, nutrition, dignity, peer life, local belonging and a route to the wider world for every child, including the child whose parents cannot pay. The problem is not that rural India has too many public schools. It is that too many have been left with too little capability to justify the faith placed in them. Closing a school may reduce an administrative line; rebuilding it can change a family's trajectory. Kotlapur shows the possible future, CJP shows the cost of leaving the present untouched, and NITI provides the architecture. The remaining requirement is political courage: let citizens see, make teachers capable and respected, fund the last mile and judge the system by the power it gives a child. #RuralEducation, #GovernmentSchools, #EducationInIndia, #RuralIndia, #EducationReform, #NEP2020, #NIPUNBharat, #FoundationalLearning, #EducationEquity, #DigitalLiteracy, #AILiteracy, #VocationalEducation, #PublicEducation, #SchoolInfrastructure, #TeacherShortage, #Education2030, #InclusiveEducation, #CommunityEngagement, #SocialImpact, #SustainableDevelopment ...Read more

08 Sep 2026

Climate justice cannot be separated from workers’ rights. As decarbonisation, climate change and digitalisation reshape jobs and industries, a truly sustainable transition must protect livelihoods, strengthen social dialogue and ensure decent, inclusive work. SummaryThe climate crisis is already reshaping workplaces through extreme heat, disasters, job losses and disruptions across industries, particularly in the Global South. At the same time, the shift away from fossil fuels, alongside digitalisation and automation, is changing both the number and nature of jobs, creating new challenges for workers and trade unions. The article argues that treating environmental goals and workers’ rights as separate issues creates a false conflict between jobs and climate action. A Just Transition must instead place workers and affected communities at the centre through collective bargaining, social dialogue, social protection, reskilling and gender equality. Examples such as heat agreements in Cambodia and worker-focused planning around offshore wind demonstrate how climate action and livelihood protection can work together. Ultimately, integrating labour and environmental governance is essential to ensure that the transition is not merely green, but genuinely just and inclusive. The climate crisis is no longer a distant threat. It is changing the world of work in real time - reshaping economies and workplaces. Heatwaves, floods, storms are disrupting work and industries, while entire communities tied to fossil fuel industries face decline as economies decarbonise. Countries in the global south are more prone to climate change induced disasters¹ and as such industries and workers here are more affected than others. Heavy flooding seriously affected industrial production in many Asian countries including 0Bangladesh, parts of Pakistan and India, Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Sri Lanka and China in 2023-24, particularly in the garment sector². This led to job losses as well as loss of wages for several hundreds of workers, a large number of whom are women. Heat stress is affecting workers at an unprecedented level. A 2024 report of the International Labour Organisation (ILO, 2024)³ estimated that 18,970 deaths and 22.85 million occupational injuries were attributable to excessive heat every year, with about 71% of the global workforce being exposed to excessive heat. Workers working outdoors in agriculture, construction, transport etc., bear the brunt of the heat as do workers in poorly ventilated workplaces such as foundries or even garment factories. Climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts are therefore necessary and the need is immediate, all the more so as the interests of working people are aligned with the success of climate change mitigation strategies. Governments are in the process of implementing policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and move away from fossil fuels. However, the movement from fossil fuel to renewable energy has meant loss of jobs, in sectors such as coal and oil and increased informalisation of jobs that used to be permanent jobs. Job losses, especially in unionised sectors have made trade unions wary of climate change mitigation measures. Renewable energy such as solar and wind power energy, is gaining traction, even as coal is continued to be used. China, USA and India are among the top ten solar and wind energy producing countries. They are also among the top ten coal producing countries with China and India leading. Which means that the top coal producing countries are building the resources to produce more renewable energy. But, the number of jobs in these sectors is estimated to be far less than in the traditional energy sectors such as coal and oil. Most of the jobs are precarious, and are still non-unionised. For workers and unions, decarbonisation of the economy is an additional challenge as it has affected employment both in numbers and in nature. The logical sequitur is that workers’ rights should be considered central to climate change governance – both adaptation and mitigation strategies, as workers’ jobs are being lost and as workers’ face extreme heat stress and other effects of climate change. However, this is not always the case. Compartmentalization of workers’ rights and climate justice Climate change is treated primarily as an environmental challenge, even though workers and people in general are affected by it. Climate governance frameworks, whether policy, law, or corporate guidelines, treat environmental goals as completely separate from workers’ rights. The recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is a case in point. The ICJ issued a unanimous Advisory Opinion⁴ affirming governments’ binding obligations under international law to combat climate change through measures that limit greenhouse gas emissions and foster international cooperation, to achieve the objectives of their nationally determined contributions. Although the Court recognised the binding nature of the Paris Agreement⁵ alongside the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, it notably omitted explicit reference to workers’ rights. The omission is significant because the Paris Agreement in its Preamble itself affirms “the imperative of a just transition of the workforce and the creation of decent work and quality jobs”⁶. The ICJ’s opinion in omitting workers’ rights follows a trend in climate governance - compartmentalisation between labour rights and climate change mitigation and adaptation measures. Government policies as well as guidelines of Intergovernmental organisations such as Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) follow the same trend. The Paris Agreement follows the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Guidelines⁷ for a ‘just transition towards environmentally sustainable economies and societies for all’ which identified the importance of social dialogue, social protection, fundamental principles of rights at work and gender specific policies for achieving just transition. Just transition is broadly understood to mean promoting environmentally sustainable economies in a way that is fair and inclusive to everyone concerned – workers, enterprises and communities – by creating decent work opportunities and leaving no one behind. However, government policy frameworks for climate change mitigation which are formulated as a consequence of governments’ obligations under the Paris Agreement are drawn up with little or no inputs from trade unions. In Chile, which has taken its climate change mitigation obligations seriously, it needed a Supreme Court judgement to ensure consultation with affected workers in the closure of a coal powered thermo electric power plant. In the case of Company Workers Union of Maritima Commercial Somarco Ltd. and others vs. Ministry of Energy⁸, the obligation of governments to ensure just transition was recognised by the Supreme Court. It was held that agreements adopted by the State of Chile to achieve carbon neutrality require a just transition strategy both for the workers harmed by the loss of their direct and indirect source of employment and for the communities affected by the loss of services linked to the development of the declining thermoelectric activity. The ruling ordered the government authorities to implement a plan for the workers affected by the decarbonization process, consulting them in that process. The 2023 update of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct⁹ includes ‘recommendations for enterprises to align with internationally agreed goals on climate change and biodiversity’ and ‘recommendations on how enterprises are expected to conduct due diligence on impacts and business relationships related to the use of their products and services’. The recommendations on climate change do not specifically mention workers’ rights except in the context of training in environment, health and safety, and hazardous waste. This compartmentalisation is also seen in policy frameworks on human rights due diligence¹⁰, where climate change mitigation and adaptation has assumed greater importance. Most of these laws and guidelines have clauses on workers’ rights and environment/ climate issues, which remain isolated from each other. Labour rights and environmental standards are treated as being in separate silos. 1. Asia and the small island nations in the Pacific are affected more than Europe/ N America. See https://wmo.int/news/media-centre/climate-change-and-extreme-weather-impacts-hit-asia-hard .Since Asia is the hub of garment production, this industry was affected disproportionately in 2023-24. 2. ILO, The Heat is On: How heat stress impacts the apparel industry, jobs, and worker health, Geneva: International Labour Office, 2025. 3. Flouris, A., Azzi, M., Graczyk, H., Nafradi, B., and Scott, N., eds. 2024. Heat at Work: Implications for Safety and Health. A Global Review of the Science, Policy and Practice. International Labour Office, Geneva, 2024. 4. Obligations of States in respect of Climate Change (Advisory Opinion) [2025] ICJ Rep. 5. The Paris Agreement is a legally binding international treaty on climate change. It was adopted at the UN Climate Change Conference (COP21) in Paris, France, on 12 December 2015 and entered into force on 4 November 2016. Its overarching goal is to hold the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursue efforts “to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. See more here - https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/english_paris_agreement.pdf 6. Ibid. 7. International Labour Organization, Guidelines for a Just Transition towards Environmentally Sustainable Economies and Societies for All (ILO 2015). 8. https://climatecasechart.com/non-us-case/company-workers-union-of-maritima-commercial-somarco-limited-and-others-with-ministry-of-energy 9. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct (OECD 2023). 10. There is an increasing number of human rights due diligence (HRDD) law and policy frameworks such as the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct, the European Union’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, the German and French laws on corporate due diligence which are meant to deal with responsibilities of multinational corporations in their supply chains across the world. Decarbonisation and digitalisation: a double disruption This compartmentalisation risks creating a narrative that there is an apparent contradiction between measures to mitigate climate change and the rights of workers; that advancing climate justice would necessitate sacrificing secure employment or organised labour power. This is a wrong narrative. There is only one planet on which both jobs and the environment exist, and because there’s no economy, and no work, on a dead planet. The climate crisis has coincided with major advances in technology, and the world of work is facing challenges brought forth by decarbonisation and digitalisation. Workplaces are changing with the introduction of newer technologies both because of advances in technology and by the need to decarbonise the economy. The changes are far more rapid than we have seen in the past, and the effect is felt in several sectors. Technology change is not new. Technology has always changed the way industries function and therefore the way that workers have worked. The first three industrial revolutions changed manufacturing processes. The first industrial revolution transformed work with the advent of mechanization and steam power. This was also the era of child labour, forced labour and unsafe workplaces, and no workers’ rights. The second industrial revolution with greater use of electricity and mass production saw the beginnings of organized labour and trade unions across the world with workers’ rights being recognized, if not implemented everywhere. Labour laws which recognized workers’ rights, provided at least a way for trade unions to collectively bargain. The third industrial revolution with increased automation and the use of robots that changed the factory floor in a very visible manner. This phase also saw the beginnings of supply chains and weakening of workers’ rights. Trade unions were actively opposing the introduction of computers, but without much success. With the change in technology, the nature as well as number of jobs changed. In Industry 4.0 or the fourth industrial revolution which involves digitization and the deployment of cyber physical systems, the transition is in conjunction with greater automation. More sophisticated robots that require little to no human interaction are already in use in automotive factories. The automotive sector exemplifies this double disruption. The transition from internal combustion engines to electric vehicles is decarbonisation-driven. But it also coincides with automation, robotics, and digitalisation. Workers are losing jobs, the remaining jobs are changing¹¹ and companies want to rescind from their collective bargaining agreements, as in the case of Volkswagen in Europe.¹² Trade unions in Bosch in India report that new ‘high-tech’ units are being set up without consulting existing unions, employing qualified engineers and changing the nature of the job from blue collar to white collar¹³. Just Transition The Just Transition Guidelines of the ILO have as far back as 2015 articulated that sustainability and justice can and should go together. ILO’s Just Transition Guidelines identified the importance of social dialogue, social protection, fundamental principles of rights at work and gender specific policies for achieving just transition. An understanding of Just Transition and its principles is thus key to understanding that the binary of jobs versus environment is a false one. An effective implementation of the fundamental principles of rights at work particularly, freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining will ensure the full participation of workers and their unions, taking into account their priorities. This would require employers/ companies to discuss with unions what changes are coming and how it would affect the workforce. It may mean that workers’ would need to be reskilled (to do a different job) or upskilled (e.g., acquiring new skills) as needed. Unions should be able to negotiate and collectively bargain work re-organisation. This underlines the importance of both collective bargaining and social dialogue, with a focus on unions being provided information by employers and governments about the impending and planned changes of work and work organisation in the workplace. The role of governments in ensuring that the ILO’s fundamental principles of rights at work¹⁴ becomes crucial. 11. The future of work in the automotive industry, Technical meeting on the future of work in the automotive industry (Geneva, 15–19 February 2021), Note on the proceedings, International Labour Office, Sectoral Policies Department, Geneva, ILO, 2021. 12. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cje9kv3q94po - Previously agreed wage increases were cancelled. An agreement between the company and the union was made for ‘cutting’ 35000 jobs by 2030. 13. Discussions with Bosch India unions in Pune and Bangalore (October – November 2022). 14. The ILO’s fundamental principles of rights at work do not require ratification of specific conventions. All countries are bound by the fundamental principles by virtue of their membership in the ILO. Making transitions ‘Just’ Trade unions are learning to deal with these challenges and are putting forward demands in order to protect workers from effects of climate change as well as digitalization. We are beginning to see examples of unions negotiating effects of climate change. The ‘Heat Agreements’ in garment factories in Cambodia¹⁵ is one such example. According to these agreements, which have been negotiated between unions and employers, if the temperature inside the factory rises above 35 C, cooling systems need to be turned on, and workers can take 5-10 minutes break. This is a very concrete example of collective bargaining being used to adapt to climate change. Another inspiring example is the successful campaign in Maine, USA where an offshore wind energy farm was built further away from the shore so that the livelihoods of the local fishing community could be protected¹⁶. This is a situation which could easily have been posited as workers vs. environmental groups vs. local communities. However, the importance of climate mitigation as well as the need to protect livelihoods were both prioritized and the wind farm was commissioned further away from the shore, while including collectively bargained wages for the workers employed on the wind farm. The importance of collective bargaining in protecting workers from the effects of climate change as well as the adaptation/ mitigation measures that governments are undertaking cannot be overstated. However, these examples are too few, with concrete clauses protecting workers’ rights, not very prevalent. The recent ILO Working paper on the role of collective bargaining on promoting just transitions¹⁷ (Schmidt and Braga, 2025) analyses 512 collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) to understand the presence and scope of clauses on Just Transition. While 58 of the agreements had clauses on just transition, most of them were declarative clauses and only 12 were more of a transformative nature. Topics in the agreements included hybrid work (aimed at reducing carbon footprint), working time organisation for extreme heat and upskilling of workers and managers. In addition, the Working Paper looked at six case studies in detail, outside of the 512 CBAs, and identified that the key topics were workers’ representation, planning for job changes and skill development, education and environmental management. These issues, particularly workers’ representation, planning for job changes and skill development are very much part of the Just Transition Guidelines. The ILO’s Just Transition guidelines are clear: climate adaptation and mitigation measures must go hand-in-hand with decent work, social dialogue, gender equality, and social protection. Just transition would mean promoting environmentally sustainable economies in a way that is fair and inclusive to everyone concerned – workers, enterprises and communities – by creating decent work opportunities and leaving no one behind. Done right, it’s a roadmap. There needs to be a renewed commitment to the ILO’s Just Transition Principles, particularly from employers and governments. Collective bargaining and social dialogue must be institutionalized with trade unions and affected communities being part of the drafting of climate strategies and plans. A robust social protection policy including health insurance, income support and retraining for workers is needed with the government playing a strong role, making sure that employers contribute their share. Just Transition would also mean that all workers are considered equal, for nothing can be ‘just’ without the element of gender justice. Women workers, who are typically not considered qualified for jobs that involve ‘high technology’ would need to be active participants. This requires a policy framework that includes work in the informal sectors, as well as low-waged manufacturing and services sectors where women are disproportionately concentrated. A Just Transition must dismantle these barriers, ensuring women access training and employment in green and digitalised economies. Without gender equity, no transition can be truly just. In addition, digital – driven technology requires extensive mining of minerals. This too needs to be approached within a framework of Just Transition, embedding workers’ rights and rights of communities into all policy decisions. 15. Heat Agreements in Cambodia: An interview with Somalay So and Joe Buckley, The Global Labour Rights Reporter, Vol. IV, Issue 1, 2025, p. 17-21. 16. Deedee Fitzpatrick and Hannah Sachs, “Labour leading on climate: advancing high-quality unions jobs in the emerging U.S. clean energy sector” in A Just Transition Law for Climate Justice, The Global Labour Rights Reporter, Vol. IV, Issue 1, 2025, pp 58-66. 17. Schmidt, V., Braga, C. The role of collective bargaining in promoting just transitions. ILO Working Paper 145. Geneva: International Labour International Labour Office, 2025. Conclusion How technology is applied and who benefits from it will determine whether the changes in the world of work is a Just Transition or only a green transition. The tools for a fairer future already exist in unions and in collective agreements. Integrating environmental and labour governance will materialise the idea that justice and sustainability can, and must, go hand in hand. References Flouris, A., Azzi, M., Graczyk, H., Nafradi, B., and Scott, N., eds. 2024. Heat at Work: Implications for Safety and Health. A Global Review of the Science, Policy and Practice. International Labour Office, Geneva, 2024.ILO, The Heat is On: How heat stress impacts the apparel industry, jobs, and worker health, Geneva: International Labour Office, 2025.Deedee Fitzpatrick and Hannah Sachs, “Labour leading on climate: advancing high-quality unions jobs in the emerging U.S. clean energy sector” in A Just Transition Law for Climate Justice, The Global Labour Rights Reporter, Vol. IV, Issue 1, 2025 available here: The Global Labour Rights Reporter - ILAW Network.Schmidt, V., Braga, C. The role of collective bargaining in promoting just transitions. ILO Working Paper 145. Geneva: ILO Working Paper 145. Geneva: International Labour Office, 2025.  ABOUT AUTHOR   Apoorva Kaiwar is a women’s and workers’ rights activist ...Read more

07 Sep 2026

Why volunteering — for nature, for the hungry, for the sick — is not capitalism's alibi but the slow architecture of the world after it A recent critique argued that volunteering doesn't save the world — it saves capitalism, laundering unpaid labour into résumé lines while the state quietly disappears. The charge is largely true. But the verdict is premature. In an age of total surveillance, monopolised violence and algorithmic war, the old grammar of revolution — barricades, arms, the seizure of the state in a single dramatic rupture — has been rendered nearly unusable. What remains is the slower, less cinematic work of building, person by person and meal by meal, the institutions of a different world inside the shell of this one. This essay accepts the critique in full and then asks the harder question it declines to ask: if not volunteering, what?AT A GLANCE▸  Bhabani Shankar Nayak's recent critique in Counterview.net — that institutionalised volunteering has become a subsidy to capital, laundering unpaid labour as “employability” — is correct as a diagnosis of the NGO-industrial complex and the résumé-internship economy.▸  But the critique conflates two different things: volunteering-as-labour-arbitrage (CSR days, unpaid internships, service-learning credit) and volunteering-as-mutual-aid (feeding, teaching, healing, restoring land in solidarity, without a market intermediary).▸  Classical revolutionary rupture — armed seizure of state power — is not a live option for most movements today. States hold overwhelming and increasingly automated coercive capacity: mass surveillance, predictive policing, drones, and information-warfare infrastructures that can pre-empt, infiltrate or discredit any organised threat before it matures.▸  Under these conditions, a Gramscian “war of position” — the patient construction of counter-institutions, counter-culture and counter-common-sense — is not a consolation prize for the defeated Left. It is the only strategy structurally available.▸  Mutual-aid volunteering in nature restoration, food and education access, and care for the sick is precisely this kind of counter-institution-building — provided it is organised on solidarity rather than charity logic, is politically self-aware, and refuses NGO-isation and capture.▸  The article proposes four conditions that separate insurgent volunteering from the captured variety Nayak rightly condemns, and argues for a 10X scaling of solidarity infrastructure as the realistic evolutionary path to a post-capitalist order.KEYWORDSvolunteering and capitalism, mutual aid vs charity, NGO-isation, Gramsci war of position, dual power, prefigurative politics, community mutual aid, surveillance state and revolution, solidarity economy, commons restoration, community health workers, food sovereignty, informal education movements, counter-hegemony, post-capitalist infrastructureThis essay is written in direct response to, and in substantial agreement with, Bhabani Shankar Nayak's critique “Why volunteering won't save the world, it will save capitalism” (Counterview, September 2026), which is quoted and characterised, not reproduced, throughout.  01  THE CHARGE SHEET, AND WHY IT STICKS Start by conceding the case, because it deserves to be conceded. When a food bank is staffed by unpaid graduates instead of paid workers, when a university calls an internship a “learning opportunity” to avoid paying minimum wage, when a bank sends five hundred employees to paint a school for one afternoon and issues a press release about “giving back” while lobbying against the taxes that would have funded that school properly — this is not solidarity. It is what the critique names it: a hidden ledger, in which goodwill is logged as free labour and the state's retreat from public provision is disguised as civic virtue. The mechanism is not subtle once you see it. Governments cut welfare, education and health budgets under fiscal-discipline doctrines. The resulting gaps are real, visible, and morally urgent — hungry children, unlettered adolescents, the uninsured sick. Into that gap steps the third sector: NGOs, charities, university “service learning” offices, corporate CSR departments — each chronically underfunded, each therefore structurally dependent on a rotating supply of free or underpaid labour. The worker who might otherwise have organised for better wages instead donates evenings to patch the hole the state was supposed to fill. Capitalism gets a twofer: the crisis it produces is contained just enough to prevent political combustion, and the very people most likely to be angry about it are kept exhausted, credentialed, and grateful. This is an old trick with a new interface. Empires have always known how to convert the instinct to help into a supply of foot soldiers — for war, for missions, for “development.” What is new is the scale and the software: LinkedIn endorsements, gamified volunteer-hour trackers, university dashboards that convert compassion into a line on a CV. The critique is right that this is, in the most literal economic sense, a subsidy — free labour transferred from citizens to institutions that could, in nearly every case, afford to pay for it. None of what follows disputes any of this. What follows disputes the conclusion drawn from it. 02  THE CONFLATION AT THE HEART OF THE ARGUMENT The critique's fatal move is a quiet one: it treats “volunteering” as a single, uniform category, and then diagnoses the whole category by its worst instance. But a corporate CSR day and a community health worker walking eight kilometres to check on a diabetic neighbour are not the same act wearing different clothes. They are opposite acts that happen to share a word. Call the first kind extractive volunteering: unpaid labour performed for an institution, under that institution's control, producing value the institution captures — a cleaner riverbank the municipality didn't have to pay to clean, a tutored child whose school didn't have to hire a teacher, a “portfolio” the intern built for a company that never intended to hire them. Extractive volunteering has an employer, even when it pretends not to. It has a hierarchy, a beneficiary that is not the volunteer, and an exit that leaves the underlying system exactly as it was — indeed, reinforced, because the pressure that might have forced structural reform has been vented. Call the second kind insurgent mutual aid: reciprocal, horizontally organised solidarity performed by people with each other, not for an institution — the tradition Kropotkin described a century before the term “volunteering” existed, the one that fed New Orleans after Katrina when the state failed to, that vaccinated Sundarbans hamlets when no ambulance would cross the river, that has, in Rojava and in the Zapatista caracoles, built entire education and health systems outside the state and the market simultaneously. Insurgent mutual aid has no employer. Its beneficiary and its performer are the same class of people, sometimes literally the same people on different days. It does not vent pressure for reform — it builds, in miniature, the alternative that the reform was supposed to deliver and never did. These two things can look identical from a satellite photograph: people showing up to feed other people. They are not identical in political function. One reproduces the system it patches. The other rehearses the system that will replace it. The critique is entirely correct about the first. It has almost nothing to say about the second — and the second is where the real argument for volunteering has always lived. 03  WHY THE BARRICADES ARE CLOSED It is worth stating plainly why this distinction matters more now than at any point in the last century. For most of modern history, the theory of change available to anyone serious about transforming an unjust order ran, in the end, through rupture — the strike that becomes an uprising, the uprising that seizes the arsenal, the arsenal that makes the old state ungovernable until it falls or negotiates. That theory was never comfortable, and it was rarely bloodless, but it was at least structurally available: the state's monopoly on violence was real but not absolute, information moved slowly enough that organisation could outrun suppression, and a determined mass could, in the right conditions, out-manoeuvre the guns. That structural availability has been quietly withdrawn. Contemporary states — and the corporations increasingly indistinguishable from them in surveillance capacity — hold instruments no nineteenth- or twentieth-century revolutionary faced. Predictive policing flags organisers before they finish organising. Facial recognition and telecom metadata make anonymous assembly nearly extinct. Drones and precision weapons have widened the asymmetry between state violence and any conceivable popular counter-force to a gap that cannot be closed by courage alone. And information warfare — troll farms, deepfakes, algorithmically amplified disinformation — can discredit, divide or simply drown out a movement before it reaches the size at which rupture becomes even theoretically conceivable. This is not a counsel of despair; it is a description of terrain. A general who tells her army to charge a machine-gun nest because charging worked at Agincourt is not being brave, she is being obsolete. The insistence on rupture as the only serious politics, in 2026, in a world of biometric ID and networked drones, is that same obsolescence dressed as radicalism. It is precisely because the war of manoeuvre is closed that the war of position — Antonio Gramsci's phrase for the slow contest over institutions, culture and common sense that precedes and enables any real transfer of power — stops being the fallback for the defeated and becomes the only strategy left standing. The war of position is not merely propaganda or “awareness.” Gramsci meant something closer to what the Right, in fact, understood and executed with terrifying patience over the last forty years: build the schools, the media, the think-tanks, the churches and the community organisations that produce a population which finds your worldview simply obvious before a single vote is cast or a single law is changed. The Left's equivalent has no reason to look like pamphlets and everything to do with clinics, food networks, seed banks, tutoring circles and cooperative workshops that produce, generation by generation, a population that has already experienced — not merely imagined — a different way of meeting human need. 04  FEEDING THE POOREST IS NOT CHARITY — IT IS PREFIGURATION Consider what it actually means, politically, for a community kitchen to feed a hundred families a week using donated, gleaned or collectively grown food, distributed without means-testing, run by a rotating roster of neighbours rather than paid staff answerable to a donor. Nayak's critique would ask: does this let the state off the hook for its failure to guarantee food security? In the short run, marginally, yes — exactly as it would for a corporate soup kitchen. But the resemblance ends at the ladle. A corporate or NGO feeding programme is designed to be efficient, scalable and fundable — which means it is designed to be legible to donors and unthreatening to the order that produced the hunger. A mutual-aid kitchen, organised by and answerable to the people who eat there, is designed to be replicable by anyone with a stove and a network — which means it is a working demonstration that food security does not require a market, a means test, or a state that has to be lobbied into caring. Every family that eats there for a year has lived, concretely, one year inside a small post-scarcity economy. That is not a subsidy to capitalism. That is muscle memory for what comes after it. The same logic runs through informal education. A free evening tuition circle for children whose government school has forty students to a teacher is, on Nayak's terms, patching a hole the state cut. It is also, simultaneously, something the state audit will never capture: a demonstration, repeated thousands of times across thousands of neighbourhoods, that knowledge does not require a fee, a rank or a market credential to be transmitted — that teaching is a thing neighbours can simply do for each other. Kerala's mass literacy campaigns of the 1980s were volunteer-run, politically organised, and explicitly framed by their organisers not as charity but as a rehearsal for a more democratic distribution of knowledge; they are widely credited with reshaping the state's own subsequent commitments. The volunteering did not let the state off the hook. It changed what citizens believed the state — and themselves — were capable of, which is a precondition for the hook ever being applied. 05  NATURE, RESTORED IN COMMON, IS A REHEARSAL FOR PROPERTY UNDONE Environmental volunteering draws a particularly sharp version of Nayak's charge: the corporate “tree-plantation day,” timed for the annual sustainability report, is almost a parody of extractive volunteering — a fossil-fuel-adjacent company photographing its interns beside saplings that a monitoring report six months later will quietly note as mostly dead. This is worth naming with contempt, not softened language. It is greenwashing with a spade. But set beside it a different practice: a Sundarbans village collectively restoring a mangrove belt that a shrimp-farming lease had stripped, using traditional knowledge of which species hold a riverbank against a cyclone, governing the replanted commons through a village council rather than a forest department, and defending it, later, against the next lease application. This is not volunteering in Nayak's sense at all — there is no employer, no CSR budget, no résumé line. It is commoning: the direct, collective re-assertion that a resource belongs to the community that depends on it and not to whoever holds the paper title. Every hectare restored this way is simultaneously an ecological repair and a small, concrete defeat for the enclosure logic that produced the degradation in the first place — a logic that is, at bottom, the same logic Nayak is indicting. This is the pattern across the domain: river-cleaning volunteering organised by and for a fishing community that depends on the river is not the same act, dressed differently, as a bank's staff photographed picking up plastic for an afternoon. The first builds a durable local capacity for self-governance of a shared resource — the precise capacity that a genuinely post-capitalist ecology would require everywhere, at scale. The second builds a slide for an annual report. Confusing them, in either direction, empties the word “volunteering” of the only meaning worth arguing about. 06  CARING FOR THE SICK: DECOMMODIFYING THE BODY Nowhere is the market's colonisation of human need more complete than in health, and nowhere, correspondingly, is solidarity-based volunteering more politically charged. A community health worker network — trained volunteers who monitor pregnant women, manage basic chronic-disease follow-up, and connect the acutely ill to formal care across the last mile that ambulances and clinics cannot reach — does not simply fill a staffing gap, though it does that too. It re-establishes, in practice, the proposition that a person's survival should not depend on their capacity to pay: the single proposition the market in health care exists to deny. Every hour spent this way is doubly subversive. It denies the insurance industry, the private hospital chain and the pharmaceutical distributor a transaction that would otherwise have occurred, or would otherwise have gone unmet and become a statistic. And it demonstrates — to the volunteer, to the patient, to everyone watching — that care is a thing human beings are simply able to give each other directly, without a bill. This is precisely the demonstration that a market order most needs suppressed, because markets survive on the manufactured belief that need can only be met through exchange. Every unpaid hour of nursing a neighbour is a small, stubborn refutation of that belief, repeated until it becomes, again, common sense. This is not to romanticise the exhaustion of volunteer caregivers, disproportionately women, who are too often expected to absorb infinite unpaid emotional and physical labour precisely because it is naturalised as “what women do.” That exploitation is real, and any serious politics of care volunteering must name and resist it as sharply as it resists corporate CSR — through rotation, through collective rather than individual burden, through refusing the guilt-trip that keeps any one person's labour infinite. Insurgent mutual aid that reproduces gendered exploitation is not insurgent. It is merely extraction with a different manager. 07  FOUR CONDITIONS THAT SEPARATE INSURGENCY FROM CAPTURE If the same physical act — feeding, teaching, healing, restoring — can be either a subsidy to capital or a rehearsal for its supersession, the difference cannot be found in the act itself. It has to be found in how the act is organised. Four conditions, drawn from the movements that have actually managed to hold this line — the Zapatista health promoters, Cooperation Jackson's solidarity economy in Mississippi, the Rojava communes, Kerala's literacy volunteers, India's own community-forest movements — mark the border. First, horizontal governance. The people served must also govern the effort — deciding what is needed, how it is run, who is accountable — rather than receiving a service designed elsewhere by a donor, a board or a corporate CSR committee. The moment a funder's priorities override a community's own, the effort has re-entered extractive territory regardless of anyone's intentions. Second, refusal of NGO-isation. This is the hardest and most counter-intuitive condition, because NGO status brings real resources. But registered-charity dependence on donor cycles reliably re-imposes donor priorities, donor timelines and donor-legible metrics — the precise machinery Nayak's critique is describing — onto what began as autonomous solidarity. Movements that have held their edge longest are the ones that diversified funding away from any single institutional donor, kept a base of dues-paying or barter-contributing members, or simply stayed small and federated rather than scaling into a single fundable organisation. Third, explicit politicisation. A feeding programme that never discusses why people are hungry will, almost by default, drift into the charity logic the critique condemns — because charity, unlike solidarity, does not require an analysis of causes, only of symptoms. The mutual-aid tradition that has actually built power has always paired the material act with political education: the Black Panther Party's free breakfast programme was never separable from the political meetings that surrounded it; Kerala's literacy volunteers were, to a person, also cadre of a mass political movement. Depoliticised service is charity in solidarity's clothing. Fourth, federation over scale. Extractive volunteering wants to scale — bigger NGOs, bigger CSR budgets, more standardised metrics — because scale is what makes it fundable and fundability is what makes it controllable from above. Insurgent mutual aid should not try to become one large organisation; it should try to become ten thousand small, similar, loosely federated ones, sharing method and solidarity but retaining local governance. A single large structure can be captured, regulated, or defunded in one stroke. Ten thousand small ones, linked by shared practice rather than shared hierarchy, cannot. 08  THE HONEST OBJECTIONS, ANSWERED RATHER THAN BURIED Three objections deserve to be met head-on rather than waved away. The first: doesn't even insurgent mutual aid still let the state avoid its obligations, whatever its internal politics? Partially, yes — any unmet need that gets met by anyone, anywhere, marginally reduces the immediate political pressure for state provision. But the alternative is not a choice between mutual aid and state provision; in the world as it actually exists, for the hundreds of millions the state has already abandoned, the choice is between mutual aid and nothing. Refusing to feed a hungry child today because feeding her might theoretically delay a parliamentary reform is not solidarity. It is a wager placed with someone else's hunger. The second: is “war of position” simply a comforting story that lets the Left avoid ever confronting power directly? It can become that, and often has — this is a real risk, not a straw man. The safeguard is not to abandon institution-building but to insist, as a matter of discipline, on the fourth condition above: politicisation. Mutual aid that never names the system it is compensating for, never links its members into wider movements, and never uses its accumulated trust and organisation to support strikes, land defence, or electoral and legal fights when those openings appear, has indeed gone soft. The war of position is not pacifism; it is patience with a purpose — the purpose being to arrive, eventually, at moments of genuine confrontation with a base that is organised, fed, educated and healthy enough to hold the line, rather than exhausted, isolated and dependent. The third, and the sharpest: can this really add up to “all-out social change,” or is it destined to remain a thousand admirable local projects that never dent the aggregate structure of capital? Here the honest answer is that scale and time are doing real work in the argument, and the case would be dishonest to pretend otherwise. No single feeding programme or river-restoration project transforms a national economy. But counter-hegemony has never worked by single projects; it works by density and duration — enough parallel institutions, sustained over enough decades, that they begin to constitute a genuine alternative infrastructure that people can step into, exactly as neoliberalism itself did not win in a single election but through fifty years of capturing universities, courts, media and common sense before it ever captured a parliament. There is no guarantee this works faster, or works at all. There is only the observation that it is, at present, the only lever within reach that is not already broken in our hands. 09  THE 10X ASK: FROM SCATTERED KINDNESS TO PARALLEL INFRASTRUCTURE What would it mean to take this seriously at ten times the current scale, rather than as a scattering of admirable local exceptions? It would mean treating solidarity infrastructure — food networks, tutoring circles, community health worker corps, commons-restoration collectives — not as a supplement to political organising but as its foundation and its training ground: the place where a movement's actual base is built, tested and trusted, long before any ballot, strike or negotiation. It would mean federating these efforts deliberately across regions and issues, so that a mangrove-restoration collective in the Sundarbans and a free-tutoring circle in a northern industrial town and a community health-worker network in a drought belt understand themselves as nodes of a single, if loosely joined, project — sharing method, mutual reinforcement and, when the moment calls for it, coordinated action — rather than as unconnected acts of individual virtue. It would mean measuring success not by the donor-legible metrics that extractive volunteering optimises for — beneficiaries served, hours logged, photographs taken — but by the metrics that matter to the war of position: how many people have directly experienced provisioning without a market, how many local leaders have been trained who owe nothing to any funder, how resilient the network proves the next time a state or corporate actor tries to co-opt, license or shut it down. And it would mean an unsentimental honesty about the difference this essay has tried to hold onto throughout: that showing up is not, by itself, virtuous, that the same gesture can subsidise the machine or undermine it depending entirely on who governs it and why, and that the volunteer who wants to matter has to ask not only “am I helping?” but the harder question Nayak's critique forces into the open — “helping whom, on whose terms, and toward what world?front” Capitalism, as the original critique rightly says, is extremely good at monetising even our best impulses. But it is good at that only when those impulses remain individual, depoliticised and institutionally captured. Organised differently — horizontally, politically, federally, at scale, over time — the same impulse to feed a stranger, teach a child, nurse the sick and restore a river becomes something capitalism has never yet learned to buy back: a population that has already, in practice, unlearned its dependence on capitalism to meet the most basic facts of a human life. That unlearning, repeated across enough kitchens, classrooms, clinics and riverbanks for long enough, is not a substitute for revolution. In an age when the old revolution's tools have been taken out of our hands, it may be the only version of one still standing.HASHTAGS #Volunteering  #MutualAid  #SocialChange  #Capitalism  #Solidarity  #WarOfPosition  #Commons  #CivilSociety  #DualPower  #Gramsci  #ClimateAction  #FoodJustice  #CommunityHealth  #EnvironmentalRestoration  #EvolutionarySocialChange ...Read more

05 Sep 2026

Kolkata | 7 September, 2026 Satellites may be transforming life on Earth, but their afterlife is creating a problem above it. From Cosmoserve’s robotic debris-capture technology to SpaceX’s controlled de-orbiting strategy, new approaches are emerging to keep Earth’s orbital environment sustainable. SummarySpace is no longer an empty frontier. ESA's latest figures show that about 40,000 objects are being tracked in Earth’s orbit, including around 11,000 active payloads, while the actual population of smaller debris is far larger.Cosmoserve Space is approaching the problem from the removal side. Its Mission Embrace is testing soft robotic technology that could eventually help capture inactive satellites and other objects already stranded in the orbit. SpaceX, led by Elon Musk, is approaching it differently: Starlink satellites can adjust their orbits to avoid collisions and are designed to be deliberately de-orbited when they reach the end of their operational life. Keywordsspace debris, space junk, Starlink, SpaceX, Cosmoserve Space, active debris removal, orbital debris, space sustainability, satellite sustainability, satellite de-orbiting, orbital sustainability, space debris removal, Mission Embrace, collision avoidance, satellite disposal, sustainable space technology, Earth orbit, orbital environment, space environment, responsible satellite design The two approaches point to the same larger question: Can humanity keep using space without turning its most valuable orbital zones into a dumping ground? But why does space need cleaning in the first place?Every satellite sent into orbit serves a purpose, from communication and navigation to weather forecasting, Earth observation and scientific research. As our reliance on space-based infrastructure grows, so does the amount of hardware orbiting Earth. But when satellites stop functioning, they do not simply disappear and nor do the fragments left behind by previous launches, break-ups and collisions simply disappear. ESA’s 2025 Space Environment Report estimated that around 40,000 objects were being tracked in orbit, of which only about 11,000 were active payloads. The agency also warned that the debris population continues to grow rapidly. The growing number of objects in orbit is only part of the challenge. Their extraordinary speeds make collisions far more dangerous. A collision between two spacecraft or between a satellite and a piece of debris can produce additional fragments, creating new risks for other missions. Those fragments can then trigger further collisions, potentially multiplying the problem. That means orbital debris can continue to become a greater threat even without new satellites being launched.  What counts as space debris?Active satellites Inactive satellites  Rocket remnants Smaller fragmentsCollision-risk zoneSo, what is Cosmoserve actually trying to do?This is where Hyderabad-based Cosmoserve Space enters the picture.  The company is developing Active Debris Removal (ADR) technology, which goes beyond tracking orbital debris to physically capturing objects that are no longer useful. Its Mission Embrace focuses on a soft robotic capture mechanism. Rather than relying solely on conventional docking systems, the technology uses a robotic approach to capture objects in orbit. Cosmoserve has said it took the system from concept to flight-ready hardware in about four months.  But there is an important distinction.  Mission Embrace is a technology demonstration, not proof that Cosmoserve is already removing large quantities of debris from orbit. Its significance lies in testing a technology that could eventually support debris-removal and in-orbit servicing missions. That matters because capturing a defunct satellite is far more complicated than simply locating it.  A servicing spacecraft must identify its target, approach it safely and operate around an object that may no longer be able to communicate, control its movement or manoeuvre away from the approaching spacecraft.  Then what is Elon Musk’s SpaceX doing differently?  SpaceX has built one of the world’s largest satellite constellations through Starlink. As of 27 August 2026, 11,102 Starlink satellites had been launched, with 11,087 reported as operational, according to current tracking data. That scale brings a different sustainability challenge: what happens when thousands of satellites reach the end of their useful lives?  SpaceX’s approach is largely focused on prevention, manoeuvrability and controlled disposal. Starlink satellites are designed with propulsion and manoeuvring capabilities that allow them to adjust their orbits, avoid collisions and eventually descend into the atmosphere. SpaceX’s sustainability documentation states that satellites undergoing de-orbiting retain manoeuvrability and collision-avoidance capabilities during their descent. In 2026, SpaceX also began lowering the orbits of about 4,400 Starlink satellites from approximately 550 km to 480 km. The lower altitude is intended to reduce the amount of time satellites remain in orbit after their operational lives and, in turn, limit long-term debris and collision risks. COMPARISON INFOGRAPHIC  CosmoserveSpaceX / StarlinkDeveloping active debris removalFocuses on satellite life-cycle managementBuilds technology to capture objectsSatellites are designed to manoeuvreTargets inactive or stranded objectsControls its own satellitesSoft robotic capture is a key technologyControlled de-orbiting is a key strategyStill at the technology-development stageAlready operating at constellation scale So, can prevention alone solve the space-junk problem?That is where the difference between preventing new debris and removing existing debris becomes important. SpaceX’s approach can help ensure that its own satellites do not remain in orbit indefinitely after their mission end. But controlled de-orbiting addresses future disposal; it does not remove the older, inactive objects and fragments already circling Earth. That is the gap that active debris-removal companies are trying to address. The challenge is also becoming larger as more satellites are launched. Expanding satellite networks can bring greater connectivity, communication and other services, but they also add more traffic to already crowded orbital regions. In other words, keeping new debris from accumulating is only one part of the solution. The harder question is what to do with the debris that is already there. HOW DO WE KEEP SPACE CLEAN? Design better satellites↓Track objects in orbit↓Avoid collisions↓De-orbit satellites responsibly↓Remove dangerous existing debris Is cleaning space really about Cosmoserve versus Musk?Not quite. The bigger story is not a contest between Cosmoserve and SpaceX. It is whether the space industry can develop a system in which prevention and removal work together to keep Earth’s orbit usable. SpaceX demonstrates what large-scale satellite operators can do when collision avoidance, manoeuvrability and end-of-life disposal are built into a constellation from the beginning. Cosmoserve represents a different but increasingly important need: technology that can deal with objects already left inactive in orbit and potentially difficult to control or remove. Neither approach, on its own, solves the entire space-junk problem. As launches accelerate and more companies enter the space economy, orbital sustainability will depend on several layers working together: better satellite design, accurate tracking, collision avoidance, responsible end-of-life disposal and, where necessary, active removal of high-risk debris. That changes the question at the heart of the space race. It is no longer only about who can launch the most satellites, build the biggest constellation or reach orbit the fastest. It is about who takes responsibility for what happens after those satellites stop working. True space sustainability will not be measured by how much we put into orbit, but by how responsibly we manage what remains there.Primary sources: European Space Agency — Space Environment Report 2025 — Supports the orbital-debris figures, including ~40,000 tracked objects and ~11,000 active payloads, and the need for active debris removal.  ESA Space Debris Environment Statistics — Provides updated 2026 statistics on tracked objects, satellites, debris populations and orbital mass. SpaceX / Starlink — Commitment to Space Sustainability — Supports Starlink’s collision-avoidance, controlled de-orbiting and satellite sustainability approach. SpaceX — Approach to Space Sustainability and Safety — Supports information on satellite manoeuvrability, collision avoidance, low-altitude operation, controlled de-orbiting and design-for-demise.   Cosmoserve / Mission Embrace Cosmoserve Space — Official Website — Supports Cosmoserve’s Active Debris Removal technology, orbital-debris removal mission and its “Reviver”/“Mothercraft” concepts. The New Indian Express — Mission Embrace — Supports the Mission Embrace soft-robotic capture demonstration and its development timeline. Business Standard — Cosmoserve Mission Embrace — Provides additional reporting on the soft robotic capture mechanism and its role in Active Debris Removal. ...Read more

04 Sep 2026

Nepal’s August 2026 debris disaster - and why the Himalayas need an ecology-first development compact The Himalayas are not merely a development frontier—they are a living ecological system. Nepal’s 2026 debris disaster exposes the urgent need to put ecology, carrying capacity, local livelihoods and resilience at the centre of Himalayan development. SummaryNepal’s August 2026 debris disaster shows how fragile Himalayan landscapes can turn infrastructure and human exposure into catastrophe.The article argues that climate change is increasing background risks, but poor planning, construction and weak warning systems determine the scale of damage.An ecology-first approach would prioritise restoration, responsible tourism, resilient infrastructure, local livelihoods and stronger cross-border data sharing.Examples from Bhutan and Sikkim demonstrate how tourism, conservation and community-based economies can be aligned rather than treated as competing priorities.The central message is clear: Himalayan development must protect the ecological systems that sustain security, livelihoods, water and long-term prosperity. Security that ignores the mountain’s carrying capacity is not security. It is deferred catastrophe.A field note for the Himalayan future The news peg: when the mountain arrived as a wave On 4 September, the most improbable image from Nepal’s Bhote Koshi disaster was also the most instructive: two hydropower workers emerged alive after more than a week trapped inside the Trishuli 3A tunnel. Their rescue came as families were still waiting for names, bodies and reliable information. It was a small return from a corridor that had become a geography of absence—washed-out settlements, severed roads, missing workers, missing tourists and a river carrying the mountain itself downstream. The numbers were moving because the disaster crossed borders and administrative systems faster than the official lists could converge. Nepal News, citing Nepal Police, reported 1,290 recovered dead and 4,798 missing on 4 September. The Associated Press reported at least 1,259 dead and more than 5,000 missing in Nepal; Chinese authorities reported 21 deaths and 541 missing on the Tibetan side. Those figures should be read as a live accounting problem, not a settled total: unidentified remains, foreign workers, hydropower rosters and cross-border lists were being reconciled at different speeds. The event began on the morning of 26 August near the Langtang–Gyirong border corridor. Preliminary assessments by the World Meteorological Organization and the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development point to a large ice–rock avalanche entering the Lhende Khola, temporarily damming the channel and then releasing a violent pulse of water, sediment, boulders and ice. The leading account is not a classic glacial-lake outburst flood and not a simple rain-fed flash flood. It is a cascading cryosphere-and-geomorphology event: a mountain slope failed, the river was plugged, and the plug failed. At Galchhi, the Trishuli reportedly rose by about nine metres in 30 minutes; at Malekhu, the rise was about seven metres. Monitoring stations were themselves damaged or swept away. Reports from the corridor described hydropower sites, highways, bridges, a border port and settlements hit by a moving wall of debris. SANDRP’s central warning is simple: design and disaster plans that model only the volume of water miss the mass and momentum of the mountain. A debris flood can choke tunnels, batter intake structures, bury machinery and carry bridges away even when a conventional flood estimate appears manageable. This is why the news cannot be reduced to an unusually bad monsoon or to climate change as a universal explanation. Warming is thinning ice, thawing permafrost and altering snow and rainfall regimes across the high mountains; it raises the background probability of unstable slopes and cryosphere failures. But ICIMOD experts have cautioned that the specific trigger in this case remains under investigation. The honest conclusion is sharper than a slogan: a changing climate is loading the dice, while construction, exposure and weak warning systems decide how many people are sitting beneath the throw. A flood that carries boulders and sediment is not merely a bigger flood. It is a different engineering and governance problem.The lesson running through SANDRP’s debris-event analysis A disaster is never only natural The useful formula is not nature versus development. It is hazard multiplied by exposure multiplied by vulnerability. A steep, young, seismically active mountain range will always produce landslides, avalanches, cloudbursts and sudden river pulses. The political question is whether a road, tunnel, hotel, dam, pilgrim camp or worker dormitory is placed where the next pulse can reach it—and whether the people in it have warning, escape routes, insurance and a voice before the project is approved. The Himalayas have been teaching this lesson for years. The 2013 Kedarnath disaster showed how extreme rain, a glacial lake breach, river encroachment and unregulated pilgrimage exposure can combine into a catastrophe. The 2021 Rishiganga–Tapovan event in Uttarakhand turned a rock-and-ice avalanche into a debris torrent through a densely engineered valley; workers were among the principal victims. In October 2023, the South Lhonak glacial lake outburst flood in Sikkim damaged the Teesta III hydropower complex and pushed the question of early warning from specialist seminars into public grief. The July 2025 flood in the Lhende Khola–Bhote Koshi corridor was an earlier warning in the same neighbourhood. Hydropower facilities, roads and bridges were damaged, while officials and researchers again pointed to the absence of real-time cross-border information. A warning that arrives after the river has crossed the border is not a warning system; it is a postscript. The August 2026 disaster therefore belongs to a pattern: the hazard is episodic, but the accumulation of exposure is continuous. There is a temptation after each tragedy to demand a bigger wall, a higher road, a stronger dam or a faster evacuation vehicle. Those tools matter, but they cannot substitute for deciding where not to build. Sediment has memory. Old landslide fans, buried channels, river terraces and glacial deposits are not vacant plots. A project that ignores those form transfers its risk to the next village, the next worker shift and the next generation of taxpayers. Before the border, there was a civilisation It is important to name the geography correctly. The Hindu Kush Himalaya is a 3,500-kilometre arc across Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, India, Myanmar, Nepal and Pakistan. Around 240 million people live in its mountains, while the ten major river systems rising there sustain water security for roughly 1.9 billion people downstream. The range is not a remote rim around national economies. It is their headwater, climate regulator, biodiversity vault and cultural archive. Its social map is older and more intricate than the modern border map. Sherpa, Tamang, Gurung, Thakali, Newar, Lepcha, Bhutia, Bhotia, Kumaoni, Garhwali, Ladakhi, Balti, Kashmiri, Himachali, Tibetan, Arunachali and many other communities have built different ways of living with altitude, cold, slope and scarcity. Pastoralists move sheep, goats, yaks and cattle through seasonal commons. Farmers terrace fragile hills, save seed, grow barley, buckwheat, millets, pulses, potatoes, fruit and medicinal plants, and store food for a winter that no market can guarantee. The sacred geography is equally material. Kailash and Mansarovar, the sources of the Ganga and Brahmaputra, Buddhist monasteries and highland lakes, Hindu pilgrimage routes, Muslim shrines and Sikh sites are not just attractions on a tourism map. They are systems of obligation: to a spring, a grazing ground, a forest, a deity, an ancestor and a neighbour. In Uttarakhand’s van panchayats, Nepal’s community forestry institutions, Bhutan’s village systems and Sikkim’s community-led tourism initiatives, social rules have often done the work that a distant permit office cannot do—rationing use, repairing commons and remembering who bears the cost. Modern geopolitics has overlaid, not erased, that world. Colonial surveys and the Great Game hardened fluid frontiers. The incorporation of Tibet into the People’s Republic of China, India’s independence and partition, the 1962 India–China war, the Kashmir conflict, and the strategic anxieties of Nepal and Bhutan turned high passes into military theatres. Roads, airstrips, telecommunications and river projects now carry a double meaning: civilian connection and strategic reach. The danger begins when the second meaning cancels the first truth—that the mountain has its own operating system. Security has built the road to the cliff edge China’s infrastructure drive on the Tibetan Plateau is not imaginary, and it is not explained by economics alone. In 2025, a Reuters report on a Chinese state-assets regulator’s directive described infrastructure investment, the Sichuan–Tibet railway and the lower Yarlung Zangbo hydropower project as part of efforts expected to improve livelihoods and employment while contributing to border stability and security. Roads, rail, power and communications make it easier to move people, goods and state capacity. They also create a permanent footprint in a landscape where the margin between a transport corridor and a military corridor is deliberately thin. The issue is not denying a remote community a clinic, phone signal, electricity or an all-weather route. It is that a security rationale can compress environmental review, centralise risk decisions and make dissent sound disloyal. The proposed Yarlung Zangbo mega-dam and the concentration of roads, railways and projects in seismically active terrain show how urgency can turn cumulative impacts into an accounting footnote. After the 2025 Tibet earthquake damaged reservoirs, Reuters reported expert concern about a hydropower spree where seismic risk is not a rounding error. India has its own strategic imperative. Border roads, bridges, tunnels, airfields and forward logistics matter in a contested high-altitude frontier. But the same security vocabulary has also fused with pilgrimage and hydropower. The Char Dham all-weather road programme was designed to improve year-round access to four shrines and to support strategic mobility. The Supreme Court’s 2021 decision accepted a wider formation width for strategic roads, while requiring environmental safeguards; a High-Powered Committee had documented unscientific hill cutting, unsafe muck dumping, forest loss, landslides and threats to springs, wildlife and livelihoods. That is the line governments keep trying to avoid: security is legitimate, but security is not a geology waiver. A road that repeatedly closes under landslides is not resilient mobility. A dam that cannot be reached safely after a debris event is not assured power. A border settlement without water, soil and slope stability is not durable national presence. In a transboundary range, ecological security is strategic security. It is the only form of security that does not become more fragile as the concrete multiplies. The current disaster also exposes the diplomatic side of the problem. Rivers and hazard signals do not wait for a memorandum. Nepal needs timely information from the Tibetan side; India needs information from Nepal on upstream pulses; China, India, Bhutan and Pakistan all need to share observations when a watershed is under stress. Data exchange is often treated as a concession. In the Himalayas it is a form of mutual defence—a way to buy minutes that save lives and years that prevent bad projects. India’s tourism machine is a throughput machine On the Indian side, the fastest-growing pressure is not always a dam. It is the idea that a sacred or scenic place has failed unless it can process more vehicles, rooms, restaurants, helicopter sorties and visitors every season. The mountain is turned into a throughput machine. Arrivals become the headline; the cost of water, sewage, slope stabilisation, waste transport, traffic, noise and local housing is scattered across municipal budgets and household labour. A 2025 Scientific Reports study of the Char Dham pilgrimage circuit tracked visitor growth from roughly one million in the early 2000s to more than three million in recent years, with a record of about five million in 2023. It estimated indicative daily capacities—not universal commandments—for Badrinath at 15,778 visitors, Kedarnath at 13,111, Gangotri at 8,178 and Yamunotri at 6,160. The important point is not the precision of any single number. It is that carrying capacity is now measurable enough to govern, yet footfall is still treated as destiny. Joshimath offered a warning in slow motion. The town sits on old landslide debris, and in 2023 cracks appeared across homes, roads and public buildings. Residents blamed hotels, tunnelling and construction; officials said the causes were contested and linked the settlement’s vulnerability to its geological setting. That nuance matters. One cannot honestly attribute every crack to one project. One can still conclude that a town built on unstable deposits needs strict land-use control, drainage, monitoring and a moratorium on additional load until its risk is understood. The word suicidal is not rhetorical when the model combines a changing climate, fragile slopes, mass movement, narrow roads, concentrated pilgrimage calendars and weak local capacity. It is suicidal in the systems sense: the activity that produces short-term revenue destroys the ecological asset and the public balance sheet that make future revenue possible. The choice is not between development and no development. It is between value extracted quickly and value renewed over time. The old growth metricThe ecology-first metricThe immediate gateKilometres of roadSafe access per unit of slope disturbanceGeomorphic red lines and independent reviewTourist arrivalsNet local value per visitor; water and waste per staySeasonal booking, caps and public transportMegawatts commissionedReliable energy with sediment and river risk priced inCumulative basin assessment and retrofitsConstruction daysYear-round local skills in restoration and careLocal procurement and nature-work guaranteesFastest strategic routeResilient access, water security and warning timeEcology–security audit with public data The table is a modest reset of ambition. Stop presenting raw scale as the only evidence of progress. A mountain district can have fewer roads and more reliable access, fewer visitors and more local income, fewer megawatts and more dependable power, and more year-round work. The better metric is value retained without erasing the conditions that produce it. Bhutan: charge for the privilege of entering  Bhutan offers the clearest Himalayan rebuttal to the race for volume. Its sustainable development fee is a policy statement: international adult visitors currently pay US$100 per person per night, while visitors from India pay Nu/INR 1,200, with concessions for children. Bhutan’s official tourism guidance says the money supports free social services, environmental and cultural preservation, infrastructure, training and local businesses. The fee does not magically make tourism sustainable; it gives the state and communities an instrument to ration pressure and reinvest in the public goods that visitors consume. The practical result is a different conversation. The question is not how many coaches can reach Thimphu by breakfast. It is whether a visitor stays longer, pays fairly, uses local guides and accommodation, respects a living culture and leaves behind enough revenue to maintain forests, trails, waste systems and public services. Bhutan’s model has trade-offs: a fee can feel exclusionary, and a state-led brand can hide uneven benefits. But its governing insight is powerful—scarcity can protect value when the revenue is transparent and the host community has standing. There is also a product lesson. An ICIMOD-documented partnership between Bio Bhutan and a community group buys about 2,000 kilograms of fresh dwarf rhododendron leaves annually at Nu 160 per kilogram, processes them into essential oil and sells massage oil, perfume and herbal soap. Nine per cent of gross profit goes to the community group and two per cent to an access-and-benefit-sharing fund. It is a small enterprise, but that is exactly why it matters: biodiversity becomes income without becoming a mine, and conservation is written into the transaction. Bhutan is not a postcard proof that every problem has been solved. Climate shocks, waste, inequality and pressure from neighbouring markets remain real. Its contribution is institutional imagination: a mountain nation can decide that tranquillity, biodiversity and cultural integrity are productive assets. It can charge for pressure, measure what the money repairs and make the visitor a participant in stewardship rather than a unit of arrival statistics. Sikkim: a laboratory, not a postcard  Sikkim shows how an Indian Himalayan state can move in the same direction without pretending to copy Bhutan. Its Organic Mission set out to make the state fully organic, and its tourism system uses permits and group requirements for sensitive parts of North Sikkim. Community-based tourism initiatives in Darap, Pastanga and Kitam have been studied through a triple-bottom-line lens: ecological care, economic viability and social participation. Homestays, local food, village walks, guides, craft and farm experiences can keep value in the settlement rather than exporting it to a highway hotel. The state is also learning the unglamorous side of sustainability. In 2024, tourist vehicles were required to carry large garbage bags as a condition of entering Sikkim, a small producer-responsibility rule aimed at a state receiving more than 20 lakh visitors a year. The measure will not solve waste by itself, but it makes the visitor part of the disposal chain. That kind of mundane accountability is more important than another glossy eco-label. Sikkim should not be advertised as a finished high-value, low-footfall model. It faces rising arrivals, urban pressure, landslide exposure and the familiar gap between an organic brand and a remunerative farm. Its value is as a laboratory. The next step is to link organic production, homestays, biodiversity stewardship and public procurement so that a farmer is not asked to carry the cost of certification while hotels and intermediaries capture the premium. Sustainable tourism becomes credible when the resident can see the money, the work and the reason to protect the landscape. The global lesson: protect the asset, price the pressure The Himalayan debate is not trapped in Himalayan exceptionalism. Rwanda charges US$1,500 for a mountain-gorilla tracking permit in Volcanoes National Park and directs 10 per cent of permit revenue to communities around national parks. The point is not to turn a sacred mountain into a luxury club. It is to demonstrate that a rare ecological experience can be rationed, priced and linked to conservation, local services and employment. Lower-cost local access and public education can coexist with premium international experiences; the principle is that the fragile asset is not free to unlimited demand. Costa Rica makes a different move. Its tourism board says more than 25 per cent of national territory is reserved for conservation and presents protected areas as the foundation of the visitor economy. The country’s lesson is long-term institutional alignment: forests, parks, renewable energy and tourism branding are not separate departments competing for the same landscape. Conservation is economic infrastructure because it protects the reason people come and the water and biodiversity that residents need. New Zealand’s Great Walks show the value of refusing to confuse public access with unlimited access. Hut and campsite stays on popular tracks are booked in advance, managed by season, priced differentially and sometimes closed or restricted outside the safe period. The system is not elitist simply because a track has a cap; it is fairer than allowing the fastest, richest or most connected visitor to overwhelm a public asset. A Himalayan pilgrimage route could use the same logic: a calendar, a quota, a local guide network, transparent exemptions and a public account of where the fee goes. The shared principle is direct: nature is the productive core, not scenery left over after development. The income must keep the gorilla, forest, trail and watershed alive. Himalayan ministries should ask what level of use lets a place renew itself—not how much can be extracted before it fails. What an ecology-first Himalayan economy looks like An alternative is not a return to poverty or a ban on all modern infrastructure. It is a different development grammar. The intrinsic value of the Himalayas is not a philosophical luxury: forests slow runoff, wetlands store water, soils hold slopes, biodiversity pollinates crops, snow and ice regulate rivers, and cultural landscapes organise care. The imposed value system says a mountain is useful when it is cut, dammed, paved or photographed. An ecology-first system says a mountain is already doing work before a project arrives—and the first duty of development is not to destroy that work. First comes restoration as infrastructure. Every watershed should have paid local crews for spring revival, native forest regeneration, wetland protection, slope bioengineering, trail repair, fire management, invasive-species control and community water monitoring. Such work is not beautification. It is risk reduction, rural employment and climate adaptation. MGNREGA, state watershed programmes, forest departments, disaster funds and corporate social responsibility should be able to finance it through multi-year contracts with village institutions, not short campaigns that disappear after a photograph. Second comes slow tourism. Put the cap at the destination, not at the district border after the road and hotel boom have already happened. Use advance bookings, differential fees, seasonal closures, walking and electric mobility, decentralised sanitation, luggage logistics, no-build zones around rivers and fans, and a ban on helicopter exceptions that make carrying capacity meaningless. Spread itineraries across villages only when the villages consent and have water, waste and emergency systems. Measure room-nights retained locally, local procurement, water use and waste recovered—not merely the number of vehicles that crossed a checkpoint. Third comes a mountain bioeconomy. The Himalayas offer a basket with global potential: sea buckthorn, apricot, apple, walnut, pine nut, wild thyme, chamomile, bay leaf, ginger, cardamom, tea, coffee, honey, buckwheat, millets, red rice, kidney beans, pashmina, yak and sheep wool, handmade paper, bamboo and carefully managed medicinal plants. Demand exists in functional foods, ethical fashion, clean beauty, nutraceuticals and wellness. India’s AYUSH and herbal-product exports rose from $649.2 million in 2023–24 to $688.89 million in 2024–25; that is an all-India figure, not a Himalayan windfall, but it signals a market large enough to justify serious quality infrastructure. The rule must be harvest less, earn more. Wild collection needs quotas, regeneration plots, seasonal bans and community monitoring. Cultivation should protect local genetic diversity instead of replacing it with a single export crop. Processing, drying, grading, cold storage, botanical authentication, food safety, lab testing, traceability, geographical indications and benefit-sharing are where value is added. A village that sells raw herbs to a trader remains vulnerable; a cooperative that owns a tested extract, a trusted brand and a buyer contract can finance both livelihoods and the forest. There are already glimpses. A reported Almora project combines MGNREGA and Himalayan research institutions to cultivate rosemary, chamomile, timur, bay leaf and kapoor kachri on 5.5 hectares, with an estimated reach of 400 rural families, 268 self-help groups and 15,500 person-days of employment. In the Darma Valley, agricultural scientists and local institutions have explored processing buckwheat and kidney beans into flour and biscuits while documenting medicinal plants and indigenous practice. These are not substitutes for land rights, fair prices or public services. They are proof that value can be built at altitude without blasting a valley open. Fourth comes a digital layer that serves local agency. A Himalayan product should be traceable to a landscape, a harvest protocol and a benefit-sharing agreement. A visitor should be able to see whether a homestay fee funded a spring, a waste system or a village school. A dam operator should publish sediment assumptions and real-time risk data. A community should own a sensor, not merely be measured by one. Technology is useful when it makes ecological limits visible and power accountable. The employment dividend: jobs that keep the slope standing The most damaging false choice is between a construction boom and unemployment. The Himalayas need work, especially for young people facing outmigration, but not every job must be tied to cutting a new road or pouring a new hotel. A slower economy can be labour-intensive in the right places: restoring springs, maintaining trails, running nurseries, mapping landslides, monitoring snow and wildlife, guiding visitors, hosting travellers, processing foods, repairing solar and micro-hydro systems, managing waste, caring for elderly residents and responding to disasters. Imagine a district-level Mountain Service Corps recruited from local villages. Its members would be trained and paid for three-year cycles in first response, rope rescue, slope and stream observation, community radio, ecological restoration, trail safety, biodiversity surveys and visitor management. Some would become permanent technicians; others would return to farming or enterprises with a recognised skill and a local market. The corps would be cheaper than repeated emergency mobilisation and more dignified than treating mountain residents as casual labour for outside contractors. Natural-product enterprises create a second ladder. Farmers can be paid for cultivation and stewardship; women’s groups can run cleaning, grading, drying and packaging; young people can handle design, digital sales, logistics, laboratory work and hospitality; monasteries and cultural institutions can curate knowledge without surrendering it. Public procurement can create a floor by buying local millets, pulses, herbal teas and certified nursery stock for schools, hospitals, army kitchens and disaster shelters. Private demand can then compete above that floor instead of forcing producers to sell raw material at distress prices. This is also where cultural and social justice become economic design. A community should be able to say that a spring, pasture, forest patch or sacred site is not for sale. Women who carry water and fuel should help decide tourism and energy; pastoral routes must be mapped before roads cut them. Traditional knowledge should be credited and compensated, not mined by a brand with no share for the people who kept it alive. Ethics determines whether the economy can endure. Four decisions governments can take now The Himalayas need rules that survive political urgency, contractor pressure and the next election. Four decisions would change the incentives. 1. Make geology the first permit Create statutory geomorphic zoning for every Himalayan basin: no-build red zones on active debris fans, old landslide toes, floodplains, unstable moraine and critical springs; conditional zones with strict load, drainage and evacuation rules; and buildable zones where cumulative risk is acceptable. Require independent basin-level assessments before a chain of roads, tunnels, dams or hotels is approved. Make muck disposal, sediment routing, worker accommodation, slope monitoring and emergency access enforceable conditions, not annexures. Every existing high-risk project should receive a retrofit or retirement plan, with a public register of overdue actions. 2. Cap the visitor and count the worker Adopt destination-level carrying-capacity rules for pilgrimage towns, national parks, high passes and glacier valleys. Use bookings, seasonal calendars, differential entry fees, waste deposits, public transport, local guide requirements and water budgets. Publish the capacity method and the data; do not turn a number into a secret bureaucratic ceiling. The same system should count every worker in a tunnel, dam and road camp, record shifts and emergency exits, provide multilingual alerts and require a named evacuation plan. If a project cannot account for its workers, it cannot claim to be resilient. 3. Turn natural products into a public mission Upgrade the existing National Mission for Sustaining the Himalayan Ecosystem and the National Mission on Himalayan Studies into a Himalayan Nature-Products and Restoration Mission with state, community and research partners. Finance village processing hubs, botanical and food-safety labs, cold chains, common branding, GI protection, digital traceability, access-and-benefit-sharing agreements and patient working capital. Tie subsidies to regeneration and producer ownership. Use public procurement to create stable demand for climate-resilient local foods, certified medicinal plants, wool, nursery stock and restoration services. The goal is not an extractive herbal rush; it is a diversified portfolio where the forest remains more valuable standing than stripped. 4. Make data sharing a peace dividend Build a transboundary Himalayan risk compact under which China, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan share agreed, time-stamped observations on river levels, rainfall, snow, glacier lakes, seismic signals and major slope failures. Use satellites, automatic stations, community gauges, sirens, radio and cell broadcast; rehearse the warning chain twice a year. India already has NDMA guidelines on GLOFs, while NMSHE is tasked with assessing Himalayan vulnerability and ecosystem health. The missing step is authority, interoperability and trust. Put the data in the public domain wherever security permits, and treat minutes of warning as a regional public good rather than a diplomatic favour. The mountain’s final warning The rescued workers in the Trishuli 3A tunnel should not become a convenient ending—a miracle that lets the system return to business. Their survival makes the obligation harder. They were not rescued by a growth statistic. They were rescued by people, persistence, local knowledge, equipment and time. A rational Himalayan development model would invest in those capacities before the next river rises, not after the cameras arrive. The choice before India, China, Nepal, Bhutan and the other Himalayan countries is between two futures. One treats the range as a frontier to be secured, accelerated and monetised until valleys are corridors and rivers project sites. The other treats it as a living system whose forests, snow, rivers, cultures and communities are the platform for durable prosperity. The second future is slower, but not smaller. It can create more local ownership, stronger public services, safer pilgrimage, higher-value tourism, natural products and strategic depth that concrete alone cannot provide. It requires saying no—to a road on a debris fan, a hotel above a spring, a dam without a basin assessment, or a security argument without ecological accounting. That boundary allows development to continue. Sunderlal Bahuguna’s old sentence remains the most modern balance sheet: ecology is permanent economy. In the Himalayas, it is also permanent security, permanent culture and permanent livelihood. The mountains are not refusing development. They are refusing to be developed as if they were dead. Sources and further readingEditorial note: The Nepal casualty figures in the feature are time-stamped reports available on 4 September 2026 and may change as unidentified remains and cross-border missing-person lists are reconciled. The event’s precise trigger remains under investigation; the feature distinguishes preliminary scientific findings from policy inference. 1. Counterview, “India’s nuclear power fantasy: A reality check from the Western Ghats”. https://www.counterview.net/2026/09/indias-nuclear-power-fantasy-reality.html — context on development claims, risk and the Western Ghats analogy 2. Bharat Dogra, Counterview, “Beyond relief: Why the Himalayas must now choose ecology over indiscriminate development”. https://www.counterview.net/2026/09/beyond-relief-why-himalayas-must-now.html — ecology-first framing, livelihoods, forests and pilgrimage pressure 3. Counterview, “Beyond a natural disaster: Lessons from the Tibet–Nepal debris flow”. https://www.counterview.net/2026/09/beyond-natural-disaster-lessons-from.html — debris-flow and governance context 4. Counterview News, “Himalayan floods are deadly debris events, not just water surges: SANDRP”. https://www.counterview.net/2026/09/himalayan-floods-are-deadly-debris.html — summary of SANDRP’s debris-event analysis 5. World Meteorological Organization, “Flood tragedy in Nepal highlights cross-border and cascading risks”. https://wmo.int/media/news/flood-tragedy-nepal-highlights-cross-border-and-cascading-risks — preliminary event mechanism, river observations and warning-system lessons 6. ICIMOD, “Kyirong–Rasuwa flood 2026: a tsunami from the sky”. https://www.icimod.org/kyirong-rasuwa-flood-2026-nepal-china-border/ — cryosphere expertise and limits of specific climate attribution 7. Nepal News, “Bhote Koshi flood disaster: death toll reaches 1,290; over 4,700 remain missing”. https://english.nepalnews.com/s/nation/bhote-koshi-flood-disaster-death-toll-reaches-1290-over-4700-remain-missing/ — 4 September 2026 casualty bulletin 8. Nepal News, “Two trapped workers saved alive from Trishuli 3-A tunnel”. https://english.nepalnews.com/s/nation/two-trapped-workers-saved-alive-from-trishuli-3-a-tunnel/ — 4 September 2026 rescue report 9. Nepal News, “Bhote Koshi catastrophe: a 360-degree look at what happened, what went wrong and what comes next”. https://english.nepalnews.com/s/explainers/bhote-koshi-catastrophe-a-360-degree-look-at-what-happened-what-went-wrong-and-what-comes-next/ — event chronology, warning gap and hydropower exposure 10. SANDRP, “Himalayan Disaster August 2026: Bhote Koshi deluge”. https://sandrp.in/2026/08/28/himalayan-disaster-august-2026-bhote-koshi-deluge/ — debris-flood analysis and infrastructure exposure 11. SANDRP, “July 2025 GLOF disaster impact on ten HEPS in Nepal”. https://sandrp.in/2025/07/24/july-2025-glof-disaster-impact-ten-heps-in-nepal/ — earlier warning from the same transboundary corridor 12. ICIMOD, “The Hindu Kush Himalaya”. https://www.icimod.org/who-we-are/the-hindu-kush-himalaya/ — regional geography, population and river-basin context 13. ICIMOD, “The Hindu Kush Himalaya could lead the way towards nature-based solutions”. https://www.icimod.org/the-hindu-kush-himalaya-could-lead-the-way-towards-nature-based-solutions/ — biodiversity and natural-capital context 14. UNEP, “Mountains” and “New report highlights risk of global warming in the Third Pole”. https://www.unep.org/interactive/explore-ecosystems/mountains/en/index.php — mountain livelihoods, water and climate risk 15. Reuters, “China calls on state-owned firms to boost industrial aid to Tibet”. https://www.reuters.com/markets/emerging/china-calls-state-owned-firms-boost-industrial-aid-tibet-2025-08-26/ — officially stated infrastructure, livelihood and border-security rationale 16. Reuters, “Tibet quake highlights earthquake risk of dams on the roof of the world”. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/tibet-quake-highlights-earthquake-risk-dams-roof-world-2025-01-10/ — seismic and hydropower context 17. Supreme Court of India, Char Dham road judgment, 14 December 2021. https://api.sci.gov.in/pdfdate/index1.php?dno=223692020&dt=2021-12-14&filename=supremecourt/2020/22369/22369_2020_4_1503_32125_Judgement_14-Dec-2021.pdf — strategic-road width and safeguards 18. RGICS, “Environmental cost of the Char Dham project: High Power Committee highlights”. https://www.rgics.org/environment/environmental-cost-of-the-char-dham-project-highlights-of-the-report-of-high-power-committee-appointed-by-the-honble-supreme-court/ — summary of environmental and social concerns 19. Kuniyal et al., Scientific Reports, “Carrying capacity assessment for sustainable tourism in the Char Dham pilgrimage circuit”. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-025-20166-8 — visitor growth and indicative daily capacities 20. Reuters, “Sinking Himalayan town puts spotlight on India’s hydropower rush”. https://www.reuters.com/world/sinking-himalayan-town-puts-spotlight-indias-hydropower-rush--trfn-2023-01-16/ — Joshimath’s geological setting and contested causal claims 21. Bhutan Tourism, official FAQs. https://bhutan.travel/faqs — sustainable development fee, public-good reinvestment and tourism policy 22. ICIMOD, “Community–enterprise partnership in Bhutan for nature-based products”. https://www.icimod.org/adaptation-solutions/communityenterprise-partnership-in-bhutan-for-nature-based-products/ — dwarf-rhododendron value chain and benefit sharing 23. Government of Sikkim, Sikkim Organic Mission. https://www.sikkim.gov.in/Mission/Mission-info/1?Mission=Sikkim+Organic+Mission — organic farming policy 24. Government of Sikkim, Protected Area Permit information. https://www.sikkimtourism.gov.in/pap — permit management in sensitive northern valleys 25. Lex Localis, “Community-based tourism in Sikkim through a Triple Bottom Line lens”. https://lex-localis.org/index.php/LexLocalis/article/view/802817/2952 — Darap, Pastanga and Kitam case comparison 26. FAO, “Agroecology at altitude: how Himalayan communities are reimagining food systems”. https://www.fao.org/agroecology/new-knowledge-module/germinate/detail/agroecology-at-altitude-------how-himalayan-communities-are-reimagining-food-systems-from-the-ground-up/en — agroecology, local food systems and the Himalayan Agroecology Initiative 27. ICIMOD, “Mountain products: a sea of opportunities”. https://www.icimod.org/mountain-products-a-sea-of-opportunities/ — natural-product basket, processing and niche-market potential 28. Press Information Bureau, “AYUSH exports rise to $688.89 million in 2024–25”. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=2211272 — national market signal; not a Himalayan-only figure 29. Rwanda Development Board, “Increase of Gorilla Permit Tariffs”. https://rdb.rw/increase-of-gorilla-permit-tariffs/ — US$1,500 permit and 10 per cent community revenue share 30. Visit Rwanda, “Gorilla Tracking”. https://visitrwanda.com/interests/gorilla-tracking/ — permit, community revenue and local employment 31. Visit Costa Rica, “Sustainability”. https://www.visitcostarica.com/sustainability — 25 per cent of national territory in conservation 32. New Zealand Department of Conservation, “Great Walks” and pricing. https://www.doc.govt.nz/parks-and-recreation/things-to-do/walking-and-tramping/great-walks/ — advance booking, seasonality and managed visitor pressure 33. Department of Science and Technology, Government of India, Climate Change Programme. https://dst.gov.in/climate-change-programme — NMSHE mandate and national climate-science capacity 34. National Disaster Management Authority, India, Guidelines. https://ndma.gov.in/ndma-guidelines — 2020 GLOF guidelines and disaster-risk instruments 35. Times of India, “Medicinal plant project in Almora to curb migration and revive hill agriculture”. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/medicinal-plant-project-in-almora-to-curb-migration-and-revive-hill-agriculture/articleshow/121384422.cms — reported employment and medicinal-plant pilot 36. Times of India, “Scientists promote climate-resilient farming in Darma Valley”. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/scientists-promote-climate-resilient-farming-in-darma-valley/articleshow/121734949.cms — reported value addition and indigenous-crop work ...Read more

04 Sep 2026

The Himalayas are not merely a development frontier. They are a living ecological system. Nepal’s 2026 debris disaster exposes the urgent need to put ecology, carrying capacity, local livelihoods and resilience at the centre of Himalayan development.SummaryNepal’s August 2026 debris disaster shows how fragile Himalayan landscapes can turn infrastructure and human exposure into catastrophe. The article argues that climate change is increasing background risks, but poor planning, construction and weak warning systems determine the scale of damage. An ecology-first approach would prioritise restoration, responsible tourism, resilient infrastructure, local livelihoods and stronger cross-border data sharing. Examples from Bhutan and Sikkim demonstrate how tourism, conservation and community-based economies can be aligned rather than treated as competing priorities. The central message is clear: Himalayan development must protect the ecological systems that sustain security, livelihoods, water and long-term prosperity.How creativity, technology and local knowledge can help mountain communities.The devastating disaster in Rasuwa and surrounding areas of Nepal has left lives lost, families grieving, people missing and communities facing a difficult journey towards recovery. Nepal needs the prayers and support. But it also needs something that must begin before the next disaster: PREPAREDNESS.Following the tragedy, I wrote an appeal asking the Global Advertising, Branding, Marketing, Media and Technology Communities to help protect Mountain Communities. The response from friends and colleagues around the world reminded me that compassion has no borders.But compassion must now lead to collaboration.Our Prime Minister Balendra Shah has also called upon the international community to recognise the growing risks facing the Himalayan region. He described the Rasuwa disaster as a serious indication that these risks are increasing alongside climate change and stressed that managing the effects of a global crisis must be a shared international responsibility.This is an important global appeal. My appeal is to our community: The people who understand attention, behaviour, communication, storytelling, design, media and technology. It is an appeal to our creative and technology ecosystem.Climate risk is also a Communication Challenge. Mountain communities are living with increasing uncertainty. Glacial instability, flash floods, landslides, extreme rainfall and unpredictable weather are placing lives, livelihoods and infrastructure at risk. What happens in the mountains does not remain in the mountains. The Himalayas feed river systems that support drinking water, agriculture, energy, tourism, trade and economies beyond national borders. When mountain ecosystems become unstable, the human consequences travel far downstream. Yet mountain communities often live in places where communication is most difficult. Internet access may be limited. Mobile networks may become unavailable. Messages may need to cross different languages, cultures and different levels of literacy.Important scientific knowledge exists. Risk assessments are produced. Weather and environmental data are collected. But information does not save lives simply because it exists. It must reach people in time. It must be understood. It must be trusted. It must help people know what to do next. A warning filled with technical language may be accurate but still fail to create action. A mobile alert may arrive but mean little if a family does not understand the level of danger. An evacuation route may exist but remain unknown to the community expected to use it.The challenge therefore, is not only to predict danger. It is to transform information into Preparedness. Our industry solves communication problems every day. We simplify complex messages and communicate across cultures. We use design to guide behaviour, storytelling to create emotional understanding and media technology to reach people at scale. We study audiences, identify barriers and create messages intended to move people from awareness to action.What if we applied those abilities to one of the most urgent challenges facing the world? How can creativity, communication, media and technology help mountain communities understand risk, prepare earlier and act faster? This is not a traditional advertising brief. There is no product launch, sales target or market share objective. The desired response is not simply an advertising campaign about climate change. It is a practical system of ideas that can help people before and during an emergency. The work might help answer questions such as:How can an early warning be understood immediately, regardless of literacy?How can alerts reach people in areas with limited internet access?How can families know where to go and what to carry during an evacuation?How can schools, tourism businesses, transport operators and community leaders become part of a local warning network?How can verified information travel faster than rumours during a crisis?How can preparedness become part of everyday life?Technology companies can help build location-based, multilingual and low-bandwidth warning systems. Telecommunication companies can help urgent information reach people quickly, including those without smartphones. Brands can contribute through their distribution networks, packaging, retail relationships and presence in remote communities. Media organisations and creators can amplify verified information, reduce confusion and ensure that mountain communities remain visible after the immediate headlines disappear. Creative agencies can transform scientific information into clear visual guidance, memorable messages and culturally relevant tools. Creative festivals, award programs and industry associations can introduce open briefs focused on mountain resilience and disaster preparedness. Instead of recognising ideas only after they have become campaigns, they can help create the partnerships from which useful solutions emerge. Climate scientists, disaster specialists, government institutions and humanitarian organisations must provide the knowledge and technical guidance behind these efforts.Mountain communities must help lead the process. People living in mountain regions possess generations of knowledge about their landscapes, rivers, weather patterns and local warning signs. They must be partners in defining the problem, shaping the communication and testing whether an idea works in real life. Technology can strengthen local knowledge but it should not replace it. Data may help anticipate danger but trust determines whether people act. The best creative response may not be the most technologically sophisticated. It will be the one people can access, understand, trust and use at the moment it matters most.An open invitation from NepalI would like to invite Creative Agencies, Brands, Technology Platforms, Media Organisations, Industry Bodies, Climate Experts and Humanitarian Partners to explore an open collaboration for mountain preparedness.Could we create a shared creative brief?Could we bring regional and global creative talent together with scientists and mountain communities?Could we develop open-source solutions that different communities can adapt?Could our industry platforms create space for this conversation?Rasuwa is the immediate reason for this appeal. But Rasuwa must not become another tragedy that receives global attention for a few days and is then forgotten. It should become a warning and perhaps the beginning of a new kind of collaboration. Our industry has always responded to briefs about growth, reputation, engagement and transformation. We have used our creativity to sell products, build brands and shape culture. Today, we must ask whether some of our greatest abilities can also be used to build Preparedness.Because the next important brief may not ask us to make people buy something.It is asking us to help people understand something. It is asking us to help communities act sooner. It is asking us to help protect lives.About the writer:Ujaya Shakya is First Vice President of the Advertising Association of Nepal (AAN), Founder of Outreach and author of Brandsutra (2015) and Brandsutra 2.0 (2026) ...Read more

03 Sep 2026

From mega-dams and cut slopes to a resilient economy of rivers, forests and indigenous enterpriseSeptember 2026 Arunachal Pradesh faces a critical development choice as hydropower, roads and large infrastructure projects expand across a fragile Himalayan landscape. The article calls for a safer model built around resilient communities, local livelihoods and ecological limits. SummaryArunachal Pradesh’s rapid infrastructure development is bringing roads, hydropower and other projects into a landscape shaped by steep slopes, seismic activity, intense rainfall and growing climate risks. The article argues that development cannot be judged only by megawatts generated, kilometres of roads built or investment attracted, but also by safety, ecological impact and community well-being. It examines concerns around projects such as Upper Siang and Etalin, including displacement, forest diversion, biodiversity loss and the risks of building in vulnerable river basins. At the same time, it presents alternatives centred on community tourism, value-added agriculture, local energy systems and indigenous enterprise. The proposed approach places local communities, customary institutions and ecological resilience at the centre of development decisions. Ultimately, the article calls for an Arunachal model that delivers stronger livelihoods and public services without increasing long-term exposure to environmental and climate risks. THE PROPOSITIONArunachal Pradesh does not have to choose between poverty and peril. It has to choose whether its rivers, forests and cultures will be treated primarily as national inputs, or as the living capital of a safer, higher-value local economy. The glacier-and-rock collapse reported in Nepal, the warning from Sikkim and Arunachal's own contested hydropower trajectory make that choice urgent. The Himalayas do not announce a disaster only when a dam breaks. They announce it through a spring that disappears after a tunnel is drilled, a road that slips every monsoon, a river whose sediment no longer reaches downstream fields, a village whose consent is counted only after the map is final. Arunachal Pradesh is at the point where these signals have to become policy. The mountain is not an empty balance sheet The most important fact about Arunachal Pradesh is also the fact most development plans suppress: it is a young mountain system still being made. Steep slopes, fractured rock, intense monsoon rainfall, active faults, fragile soils and a changing cryosphere respond to every road cut, tunnel, quarry, reservoir, settlement and drainage alteration. The three Counterview articles place this reality beside the August 26, 2026 glacier-and-rock collapse reported along the Nepal-Tibet border. A high-mountain failure became a debris flow, flood, infrastructure destroyer and humanitarian crisis downstream. The trigger was geological and cryospheric; the scale of loss was shaped by what had been built in the path of risk. Climate change changed the structure of risk by weakening ice, destabilising slopes, altering rainfall and making old design assumptions unreliable. Arunachal shares the conditions that make the Nepal event a warning: high seismicity, steep river valleys, expanding glacial lakes, cloudbursts, landslides and difficult emergency access. It has also experienced its own cloudbursts, road failures and district isolations. A road celebrated at inauguration but not maintained through the monsoon is not durable connectivity. A dam that multiplies a debris surge is not automatically a resilience asset. The question, therefore, cannot remain: how quickly can Arunachal add megawatts, kilometres of road and concrete? It must become: developed for whom, with what exposure, and at what price to the families who will live on these slopes fifty years from now? When infrastructure becomes exposure For two decades, Arunachal's development story has been narrowed into a familiar template: large hydropower projects for the national grid, strategic roads across unstable terrain, tunnelling through mountains and the rapid conversion of rivers into infrastructure corridors. The needs are genuine - roads, hospitals, schools, communications, jobs, energy and border security. But genuine needs do not make every engineering response wise. Upper Siang and Etalin are the clearest tests of that wisdom. The proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, often described as an approximately 11,000 MW project, and the 3,097 MW Etalin project in the Dibang basin sit in landscapes that are seismically active, biodiverse and socially sensitive. Their proponents may present national power, flood moderation or strategic value; critics see high-consequence exposure in valleys where evacuation, rescue and compensation would be extraordinarily difficult. Project-by-project clearance is not enough when the river basin is the real unit of impact. A dam, access road, transmission corridor, tunnel, quarry and downstream cascade operate as one system. Blasting disturbs slopes and springs; hill-cutting changes drainage; a landslide can block a river, send an impulse wave into a reservoir or sever a village road. A GLOF or debris flow can breach a large structure and magnify the downstream disaster. Tofu-dreg infrastructure - built too quickly or cheaply for its setting - is a governance warning. The ecological bill is equally serious. Reservoirs submerge forests, fragment habitat, trap sediment and alter fisheries, riverine agriculture and downstream geomorphology. High-head barriers obstruct migratory fish; decaying biomass can release greenhouse gases. A centralised plant is also a single point of failure: if its powerhouse, transmission line or bridge is cut, the distant grid and the local community may lose power together. Sikkim offers a caution that Arunachal should not dismiss. The third Counterview article notes that the National Remote Sensing Centre assessed a 42 per cent probability of a South Lhonak Lake breach in 2013. On October 3-4, 2023, the lake breached; the Teesta III dam at Chungthang was destroyed, 55 people died, 74 went missing, more than 7,000 people from 1,756 families lost their homes, and thousands of houses were damaged across Sikkim. The reported proposal to rebuild at the same location, with a structure almost twice as high, illustrates the danger of treating a known risk as a reason for taller concrete rather than better land-use decisions. The missing people in the numbers The Upper Siang debate reveals why displacement cannot be reduced to a compensation spreadsheet. Project-side accounts cited in the dossier speak of around 16 villages and roughly 10,000 people directly affected. Community organisations and researchers speak of at least 27 villages, a 40-300 village impact zone and more than 150,000 people, depending on whether farmland, forest access, fisheries, grazing, sacred sites and downstream livelihoods count. The disagreement asks who is visible to the state. For the Adi people, the Siang is not an empty channel with a calculable flow. Ane Siang, the Mother Siang, is a cultural and ecological relationship. A village contains homes, terraces, orchards, fishing grounds, mithun routes, burial places, ritual spaces, memories and kinship networks. A resettlement colony can reproduce houses, not a river's meaning or the social geography through which knowledge travels. Compensation cannot restore a place-based civilisation. Etalin presents a smaller numerical footprint with the same principle. Project documents cited in the dossier indicate about 265 families in eight affected villages, with around 95 families facing involuntary displacement, while the project requires diversion of roughly 1,175 hectares of forest land. The project's environmental clearance has also faced legal challenge. Whether one supports or opposes the project, the lesson is clear: the burden of proof must rise when the cost is irreversible. Indigenous resistance to Upper Siang and Etalin is not an obstacle that publicity can remove. Adi institutions, farmers' forums, youth groups and human-rights advocates question consent, cultural survival, safety and benefit-sharing. Some affected families and village groups support the projects for expected flood protection or economic opportunity. That diversity makes independent deliberation essential. A signature after the design is fixed is not free, prior and informed consent. WHAT THE UPPER SIANG NUMBERS REVEALOfficial or project-side accounts cited in the dossier: about 16 villages and roughly 10,000 people directly affected. Community and civil-society accounts: at least 27 villages, a wider 40-300 village impact zone and more than 150,000 people. The gap is not a licence to choose the largest figure; it is evidence that the definition of 'affected' must include land, forests, rivers, culture and downstream livelihoods. A moratorium is a responsibility, not a rejection of development Arunachal should declare a time-bound moratorium on new large storage dams and high-risk cascades in the most vulnerable basins. This would create space for independent, cumulative assessments that model earthquakes, GLOFs, landslide impulse waves, sediment, extreme rainfall, upstream operations and failure of roads and communications together. The state needs a public hazard atlas. No-go zones should cover the highest landslide and GLOF susceptibility areas, irreplaceable biodiversity corridors and sites where evacuation is implausible. Low-no zones should permit only light, reversible or strictly conditioned activity. Settlements and critical assets already at risk need voluntary relocation or retrofitting, with land, services, transport and livelihoods planned together. Early warning is a social system, not a dashboard. Satellite and AI tools, weather radar, rain gauges, glacial-lake sensors, river gauges and slope monitors matter only if a village receives a clear alert, knows the safe route and practises the drill. Data-sharing across the India-Bhutan-China-Nepal Himalayan arc should be pursued wherever diplomacy allows. Roads and bridges should follow mountain behaviour: drainage first, slope bioengineering, vegetation reinforcement, controlled spoil disposal, spring protection, geotechnical inspection and dedicated maintenance. Vetiver, alder, bamboo and hydroseeding should complement engineering. The most strategic road may be the one that remains open and repairable, not the widest on inauguration day. Quality of life is the unit of progress A safer development model must answer everyday questions: can a child study during a monsoon outage, can a pregnant woman reach care, can a farmer sell without distress, can an elder remain in a familiar community, can a young person earn without leaving, and can a family sleep without fearing the next slope failure? These are the real measures of resilience. A safe home is infrastructure: Retrofit vulnerable homes and support voluntary, culturally appropriate relocation from the highest-risk zones. Promote earthquake-resilient construction using bamboo, cane, timber and local design knowledge wherever technically suitable.A reachable service is development: Combine district hospitals with telemedicine, mobile health units, emergency transport protocols and digital classrooms, so people need not be concentrated in unsafe places simply to reach a service.A maintained road is better than a grand road: Use geotechnical routing, drainage, bioengineering and slope monitoring. Limit widening, protect springs and accept seasonal or low-capacity routes where necessary. Budget maintenance as a core asset, not a post-disaster appeal.Local energy is strategic energy: Combine safe micro-hydro, rooftop solar, storage and islandable microgrids so border villages, schools, clinics, communication nodes and emergency centres remain powered when landslides cut the main line.  Tourism that pays the village The alternative to mega-project dependence is an economy that earns more from each unit of landscape without consuming it. Tourism can be a pillar, but Arunachal should avoid the familiar sequence in which roads arrive, hotels multiply, waste and water stress follow, and the host community receives the least value. Build high-value, low-density tourism around certified homestay clusters and community lodges regulated by village institutions or Kebangs. Publish carrying-capacity studies before scaling visitors, and use permits, seasonal quotas and route zoning for high-altitude lakes, glacial passes, sacred sites and wildlife corridors. Access must fit slope stability, water availability, cultural dignity and emergency capacity. The product should be experiential: Eaglenest birding, alpine botany, high-altitude treks, monastery and living-heritage circuits in Tawang and West Kameng, cultural and culinary immersion, river interpretation, farm stays, harvests and festivals. Tawang, Ziro, Mechuka, Namdapha and Pasighat can develop distinct identities. Kaimoi's Best Tourism Village recognition and work in Namsai show that cultural revival can be an economic asset. Room revenue, guide fees, permits, conservation fees and craft sales should flow to village committees and households. Cooks, drivers, porters, performers, farmers and artisans should be named beneficiaries. Training should cover hospitality, first aid, rescue, waste, digital booking, language and storytelling. Homestays need water, sanitation, fire, waste and structural standards without being forced to imitate urban hotels. The Lower Subansiri pondage proposal - a controlled tourism, adventure, cultural and inland-fisheries hub - deserves a transparent feasibility test. Reusing an altered site may be preferable to opening new upstream valleys, if safety, carrying capacity, fish ecology and community ownership are secured. Tourism must be a conservation contract: visitors receive meaning, communities receive income and ecosystems receive limits. Agriculture must leave as a product, not a truckload Agriculture should not leave Arunachal only as a truckload of unprocessed produce. Its microclimates can support a premium basket of kiwi, mandarin oranges, pineapple, apples, persimmon, walnuts, large cardamom, ginger, turmeric, chillies, buckthorn, medicinal plants, millets, Khamti rice, yak churpi and distinctive beverages. APEDA's buyer-seller work at Tawang points toward FPOs, FPCs, women's Self-Help Groups, branding, exports and value addition. The missing layer is a distributed system that lets farmers retain more value. Each producing cluster should have small solar-powered processing and packing capacity: grading, pulping, juicing, drying, pickling, fermentation, spice processing, safe packaging and traceability. Five- to ten-tonne community cold rooms can prevent distress sales when landslides block roads. A brand such as Arunachal Organic Himalaya can sit above district and tribal brands only if certification, quality control and producer ownership are real. Geographical indications should protect and premiumise distinctive products, not merely decorate packaging. Farmer Producer Companies should negotiate directly with urban retailers, hotels, institutions and exporters. Digital catalogues can show harvest windows, volumes and quality; public procurement can place local produce in schools, hospitals and tourism kitchens. Finance must cover working capital, cold chains and packaging. Women-led processing, food entrepreneurship and local logistics can create jobs without forcing young people to leave. Climate-smart agriculture should strengthen, not erase, local knowledge. Jhum should not be eliminated by decree; improved fallows, contour planting, water harvesting, agroforestry and community fire management can reduce erosion while preserving food cultures. Nitrogen-fixing alder, Alnus nepalensis, can be integrated with heirloom tea and black pepper. Success is a productive hillside that keeps soil, water, biodiversity and income together. Healing landscapes, not resort landscapes Arunachal's forests, clean air, hot springs, highland climates and spiritual traditions can support a careful nature-wellness economy. This is not a licence for large resorts. It is an invitation to design small, regulated experiences: forest-bathing or Shinrin-yoku trails, meditation retreats, monastery stays, nature-therapy walks, restorative food and hot-spring facilities with strict water and waste limits. Guides should be trained in ecology, mental-health first response, visitor safety and the limits of therapeutic claims. Indigenous dietary, herbal and healing knowledge must be documented with consent and benefit-sharing. Cooperative processing of managed non-timber products such as Mishmi teeta, wild turmeric or Taxus-related resources must prevent overharvesting and bio-piracy. Wellness should complement, never replace, public healthcare. Craft and local design as a living economy The cultural economy should be a productive sector, not an annual festival display. Apatani, Adi, Nyishi, Monpa and other weaving traditions; bamboo, cane and beadwork; Monpa paper; thangka and Buddhist art; and Wancho wood carving carry design intelligence. The challenge is repeatable income without flattening distinct identities into one generic Northeast aesthetic. District craft and design hubs can provide shared tools, natural-dye research, photography, packaging, e-commerce, accounting and market access. Partnerships with design institutes, fashion labels, architects and responsible retailers must protect attribution, intellectual property, fair prices and artisan control. A digital maker passport can connect each product to its maker, village, technique and material story; tourism circuits can add demonstrations, workshops and direct sales. Bamboo and cane bridge heritage with climate resilience. Bamboo anchors soil and can support homeware, furniture, structural alternatives and earthquake-conscious vernacular housing when engineered properly. Documentation and apprenticeships are vital: if craft is poorly paid, the state loses both a livelihood and an irreplaceable knowledge archive. A VILLAGE POWER TEMPLATEIllustrative 500 kW community-owned run-of-the-river model: 800-1,200 households and local institutions served; about Rs 4.5-5.5 crore capital cost; roughly 2.6 million kWh annually at 60 per cent capacity factor; customary council as trustee; Village Energy Management Society with women and youth representation; 35 per cent of revenue for O&M, 25 per cent for debt and 40 per cent for capital reserve, social dividend and watershed protection. Final feasibility, tariff and safety decisions must remain site-specific. Power where people live Arunachal's energy security does not require every river to become a gigawatt corridor. Safe run-of-the-river micro-hydro units, generally 10 kW to 2 MW, combined with solar and storage, can provide power close to where people live. Lower head, negligible storage and small civil footprints can reduce the scale of failure compared with a large reservoir, while allowing community ownership. No micro-hydro site is automatically safe; every site needs hydrology and geotechnical review. An illustrative 500 kW community-owned project could serve 800 to 1,200 households, schools, clinics and micro-enterprises. The dossier models a capital cost of Rs 4.5-5.5 crore and, at a 60 per cent capacity factor, around 2.6 million kWh a year. A customary council - Kebang, Tsumok or equivalent - can hold the land and water-use trust. A Village Energy Management Society can run the plant, with elders, a technical representative, local youth technicians and at least 50 per cent women and youth representation. Local operators should flush abrasive silt traps during the monsoon; four village youths can become primary and apprentice 'barefoot engineers'; the turbine maker can provide an annual maintenance contract; and prepaid smart metering can remove billing friction. A workable financing stack could blend 60 per cent public subsidy, 20 per cent CSR or green-climate finance, 15 per cent concessional debt and 5 per cent community land and labour. Tariffs can protect dignity and reliability: a lifeline domestic rate, a higher commercial rate for homestays and processing, and a regulated feed-in price for surplus. The illustrative revenue waterfall allocates 35 per cent to O&M, 25 per cent to debt service and 40 per cent to resilience - 15 per cent capital reserve, 15 per cent village social dividend and 10 per cent catchment protection. Energy then runs dryers, kiwi sorting lines, grain mills, five- to ten-tonne cold rooms and local EV charging hubs. The ten decisions that can change Arunachal's trajectory The state government can turn the argument into a social contract through ten decisions over the next 24 months. The sequence matters: first reduce irreversible exposure, then build the institutions and markets that make safer livelihoods credible. Pause new large storage dams and high-risk cascades while independent basin studies examine seismicity, GLOFs, landslides, sediment, climate projections and dam-break cascades.Create a public hazard atlas with no-go and low-no zones for heavy infrastructure, biodiversity corridors and high-risk settlements.Install real-time glacier, lake, rainfall, river and slope sensors in districts including Tawang, Dibang Valley and Anjaw, linked to village sirens, drills and last-mile communication.Make cumulative impact assessment and public disclosure mandatory for roads, tunnels, quarries, transmission lines and hydropower.Create a permanent Mountain Maintenance and Resilience Fund for drainage, bioengineering, bridge inspection, road restoration, emergency stocks and local responders.Launch district missions for community tourism, organic value chains, craft, design and nature wellness, with low-interest finance, procurement and ecological standards.Give FPOs, FPCs, women's SHGs, artisan guilds and tourism committees direct access to markets, digital systems, training and working capital.Adopt an enforceable FPIC-like protocol: disclose alternatives, recognise customary institutions, record dissent and share risks and benefits before decisions are final.Build decentralised energy around safe micro-hydro, solar, storage and islandable microgrids, with community, women and youth governance.Measure progress through disaster losses, forest cover, water quality, green-sector income, youth retention, service access and community satisfaction alongside GDP and capacity.  A future measured in more life per unit of concrete Arunachal does not face a binary choice between dams and poverty. It faces two theories of development. One treats the state as a resource warehouse whose rivers are exported, slopes cut faster than they heal and people compensated after decisions. The other treats mountains as the foundation of a local economy: forests that protect water, rivers that sustain culture and fisheries, farms that earn through processing, villages that host visitors on their terms, crafts that carry identity and energy systems that keep communities resilient. National security is not weakened by this second theory. A village with safe housing, a clinic, a digital classroom, a community microgrid, trained responders, maintained roads and dignified livelihoods is stronger than a landscape tied to one vulnerable transmission corridor. Ecological protection and strategic presence can reinforce each other when people are custodians and partners. The Nepal disaster, the Sikkim precedent and Arunachal's monsoon failures are not prophecies. They are choices made visible in advance. The government can still pause, listen, map, maintain and diversify. The goal is more safety, income, health, culture and possibility with less ecological damage. In a fragile Himalaya, that is the only progress that can endure.  Sources and editorial note Wangchuk Tsering. Safety first: Why reconsider hydropower in fragile Arunachal. Read online Neha Desai. Why the Nepal disaster is a warning Arunachal Pradesh cannot ignore. Read online Raj Kumar Sinha. Rising climate risks demand a new Himalayan development model. Read online APEDA / Press Information Bureau. APEDA and Government of Arunachal Pradesh host International Conclave cum Buyer-Seller Meet at Tawang. Read online APEDA. Arunachal Pradesh: GI and agricultural products profile. Read online Shiv Nadar University, Centre of Excellence for Himalayan Studies. Dams in the discourse of development: vulnerabilities and systematic barriers to communities-inclusive policies in Arunachal. Read online ...Read more

03 Sep 2026

An Appeal from Nepal to the World From a devastating disaster in Nepal’s Rasuwa district comes a wider call for action—bringing climate communication, creative industries and local mountain knowledge together to protect vulnerable communities.SummaryThe devastating floods in Rasuwa have renewed attention on the growing vulnerability of mountain communities to climate-related disasters. The article argues that the response cannot end with sympathy after a disaster; it must include stronger preparedness, clearer communication and long-term resilience. It calls on creative professionals, media, technology companies and brands to use their reach to make climate information easier to understand and act upon. At the same time, mountain communities must remain central to these solutions because their local knowledge can complement climate science and early-warning systems. The piece highlights practical needs such as multilingual alerts, accessible evacuation information and communication systems that can reach people with limited internet access. Ultimately, it presents creativity and communication as tools that can help turn climate awareness into preparedness and collective action.I want to begin with a heartfelt thank you. Since the devastating flash floods in Rasuwa and surrounding areas of Nepal, I have received messages and calls from friends and colleagues across the world. Your concern for Nepal, your prayers for those affected n your words of solidarity have meant a great deal during this painful time. These messages reminded me that compassion has no borders. They also encouraged me to make a wider appeal.Lives have been lost. Many people remain missing. Families are waiting for news, communities have been displaced and essential infrastructure has been destroyed. Nepal needs the world’s continued prayers and support. But prayers and expressions of sympathy, however meaningful, cannot be where our response ends. Alongside our grief, we must begin an urgent global conversation about Climate Change, Disaster Preparedness and the Growing vulnerability of Mountain Communities.This is more than a tragedy in Nepal. Rasuwa may be the place currently in the headlines but the warning it carries extends far beyond Nepal. Mountain regions around the world are facing increasingly uncertain environmental conditions. Glacial instability, flash floods, landslides, extreme rainfall and rapidly changing weather patterns are placing lives, livelihoods and infrastructure at greater risk. These risks do not remain confined to remote mountain settlements. Mountains feed the rivers that sustain agriculture, drinking water, energy systems, tourism, trade and economies. When mountain ecosystems become unstable, the human impact can travel across districts, countries and generations. Protecting mountain communities is therefore not a marginal concern. It is connected to the future security of millions of people.The Rasuwa tragedy must become more than another disaster that the world briefly mourns and then forgotten. It must be treated as a global warning n a call to action.Why I am appealing to the Creative Community:Climate change is rightly discussed by scientists, governments, humanitarian organisations and development institutions. Their research, expertise andleadership are essential. But climate vulnerability is also a Communication Challenge. Scientific information is often complex. Important risk assessments can remain inside reports. Early warnings may not reach vulnerable communities in time, in the right language or in a form people can easily understand. Even when information is available, people may not know what it means for their families or what action they should take. The global advertising, branding, marketing, media, design, technology and creative communities possess capabilities that can help bridge this gap.Technology platforms with global reach including companies such as Google, Meta and TikTok, could help strengthen location based and multilingual early warning communication for communities with different levels of digital access. Brands could use their distribution networks, packaging, mobile platforms, retail relationships and media reach to support preparedness in difficult to reach areas.Media organisations and content creators could amplify verified information, reduce the spread of rumours during emergencies and keep mountain communities visible after the immediate headlines have disappeared.Creative festivals, industry bodies and award platforms could introduce global creative briefs focused on mountain resilience, climate communication and disaster readiness. They could create space for agencies, brands and technologists to develop open source ideas that communities can adapt and use. Our industry knows how to capture attention. We simplify complex information, tell memorable stories and influence behaviour. We communicate across languages, cultures and different levels of literacy. We use design, data, media and technology to move people from awareness to action.Can we use these abilities to help protect human lives?No individual campaign can solve climate change. But communication can make risk easier to understand. Good design can make warnings clearer. Technology can help critical information travel faster. Storytelling can help people understand the human impact. Creativity can help move communities from awareness to preparedness. The opportunity is not to turn tragedy into a branding exercise. It is to use our professional abilities responsibly to address an urgent human challenge.Our work should help answer practical questions:Where should families go during an emergency?How can evacuation routes be communicated clearly?How can people without reliable internet receive urgent information?How can schools, tourism businesses and community leaders become part of the warning system?These may not look like traditional advertising briefs. But they are communication problems and communication is where our industry can contribute.Mountain communities must lead the conversation. Any meaningful response must begin by listening to the people who live in mountain regions. They possess generations of knowledge about their landscapes, rivers, weather patterns and local warning signs. They should not be treated only as vulnerable populations or passive recipients of outside solutions. They must be partners in designing these solutions. Technology should help strengthen local knowledges. Data may help anticipate danger but trust determines whether people act. Communication may create awareness but preparedness also requires infrastructure, resources and long term commitment. The most meaningful response will bring together community knowledge, climate science, public institutions, humanitarian experience, responsible brands, media reach, technological capability and creative thinking.A Global Call from Nepal:I appeal to creative professionals, industry associations, agency networks, brands, media platforms, technology companies, designers and storytellers around the world: Help us bring greater attention, ideas and collective action to the protection of mountain regions and their people.Let us begin asking difficult but necessary questions.How can climate information become understandable and actionable?How can warnings travel faster across remote difficult terrain?How can global technology work alongside local knowledge?How can brands support resilience beyond a single campaign cycle?How can our industry help ensure that vulnerable communities remain visible before - not only after disaster strikes?Behind every climate disaster is a community whose future depends on decisions being made today. Nepal needs your prayers and support. But Rasuwa and mountain communities around the world also need your attention, collaboration and ideas. Let this tragedy not become another moment the world mourns and then forgets. Let it become a moment when the global creative community chooses to listen, come together and act.Ujaya Shakya is First Vice President of Advertising Association of Nepal (AAN), Founder of Outreach and author of Brandsutra (2015) & Brandsutra 2.0 ABOUT AUTHORUjaya Shakya is a marketing genius, having written two volumes of BrandSutra, and has established Nepal's homegrown, much awarded integrated communication outfit, Outreach Nepal group. ...Read more